The Paradox of Integration: Racial Composition of NFL Positions from 1960 to 2020

https://doi.org/10.1177/23326492231182597

Sociology of Race and Ethnicity

1 –19

DOI: 10.1177/23326492231182597

journals.sagepub.com/home/sre

Original Research Article

Player injuries are routine in any given season in

American football. A recent study found a season

average injury rate of over 750 (Baker et al. 2021).

The high rate of injuries is consistent with the vio-

lent nature of the sport; players running into each

other at full speed will likely cause bodily harm to

those involved (Canada 2023). Although cata-

strophic player injuries have been widely docu-

mented, they have not fundamentally changed how

professional football is played. Professional foot-

ball proceeds because it is more than a sport, it is a

highly profitable source of entertainment.

NFL teams earned an average of nearly 4.5 bil-

lion dollars in 2022, a 28 percent increase over the

previous year (Ozanian and Teitelbaum 2022).

While some players earn generous salaries, league

powerbrokers are remunerated with far heftier sums

while facing none of the physical risk. It is a prime

example of racial capitalism (Robinson 2000), the

notion that “racialized exploitation and capital

accumulation are mutually constitutive” (Laster

Pirtle 2020:504). Black players, who comprise over

70 percent of players, are a commodity of signifi-

cant value due to their athletic abilities and financial

potential (Canada 2023). They are reduced to what

their bodies can produce, used, and “never theoreti-

cally far from the plantation fields” (Canada 2023;

Hawkins 2010). Racial capitalism provides an over-

arching framework to understand the material con-

ditions of Black professional football players.

Importantly, some positions place players at

higher risk than others. During their four-season

study, Hayden P. Baker et al. (2021) found that

those in the wide receiver, linebacker, and safety

1182597

SREXXX10.1177/23326492231182597Sociology of Race and EthnicityMarquez-Velarde et al.

research-article2023

Utah State University, Logan, UT, USA

Harvard Medical School, Boston, MA, USA

University of Massachusetts Boston, Boston, MA, USA

Hidden Game Sports, Detroit, MI, USA

Morehouse School of Medicine, Atlanta, GA, USA

Corresponding Author:

Guadalupe Marquez-Velarde, Utah State University,

0730 Old Main Hill, Logan, UT 84322, USA.

Email: [email protected]

The Paradox of Integration:

Racial Composition of NFL

Positions from 1960 to 2020

Guadalupe Marquez-Velarde

, Rachel Grashow

Christy Glass

, Anne M. Blaschke

, Gary Gillette

Herman A. Taylor

, and Alicia J. Whittington

Abstract

As highly visible organizations, professional sports teams provide a context to examine the reproduction

of racial hierarchies over time. This study analyzes racial segregation/integration in the NFL between 1960

and 2020. Using data from 20,357 players, we examine the racial composition of positions in the field and

how these patterns influence career length. Our analysis reveals three distinct patterns of segregation/

integration over time: cumulative hyper-segregation in high-risk positions, durable segregation in high-

prestige positions, and integration in hybrid positions. We consider the implications of these findings for

theory and research on racialized organizations as well as for the lives of players.

Keywords

race, racism, segregation, sports, football, NFL

2 Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 00(0)

positions reported over 400 injuries compared to

quarterbacks (73), centers (57), and kickers (27).

While there is some evidence that Black players are

steered toward positions with greater risk, longitu-

dinal and systematic analysis of race and position

in the NFL is lacking. In the present study, we

examine every player in every position of the NFL

from 1960 to 2020 to establish whether Black play-

ers are “stacked” into positions with the greatest

physical risks. Furthermore, we employ the NFL as

a case study to critically interrogate the systemic

means by which racial hierarchies are produced

and reproduced across organizational contexts

(Alexander 2020; Ray 2019, 2022).

Work organizations are primary sites where

racial hierarchies are produced and reproduced

(Acker 2006; Ray 2019; Ray, Herd, and Moynihan

2023). Work organizations function as critical gate-

keepers for access, advancement, and rewards as

well as for status, prestige, and power (Bell and

Nkomo 2003; Elliott and Smith 2004). According

to Victor Ray (2019), organizational hierarchies,

norms, and practices must be understood in the

context of larger social structures. Thus, Ray’s

(2019) theory of racialized organizations rests on

the premise that “race is constitutive of organiza-

tional foundations, hierarchies, and processes” (p.

26). As work organizations, professional sports

teams rely on cultural schemas regarding strength,

intelligence, and ability to shape access and

rewards for athletes. Organizational norms and

practices mediate the relationship between macro-

level inequalities and lived experience, translating

larger cultural and structural schemas into material

realities for individuals and groups (Bonilla-Silva

1997, 2016).

The largest professional American style football

league (hereafter “NFL”) represents an important

context to examine how racial hierarchies are

reproduced through organizational norms and prac-

tices. While many view the NFL as a model of

racial progress due to the strong representation of

Black players in the league (Dufur and Feinberg

2009), evidence suggests racial diversity has failed

to challenge the schemas used to allocate both

material and intangible resources (Ray 2019)

within the league (Allison, Davis and Barranco

2018; White et al. 2021). Characterizations of the

NFL as “post-racial” or “colorblind” are under-

mined by evidence regarding the underrepresenta-

tion of Black coaches, front office staff, and team

owners (Leonhardt 2022) and the great risk of

injury, decreased quality of life, and disability for

Black players (Roberts et al., 2019, 2020). These

complexities make the NFL an ideal context to

examine how embedded racial ideologies shape

organizational outcomes.

The purpose of this study is to analyze racial-

ized patterns in player position and career dura-

tion. We rely on a unique data set documenting

race, position, and career length in the NFL for

20,357 players from 1960 to 2020. The NFL repre-

sents one of the most visible, high-status platforms

for athletic achievement, nationally and globally.

As a majority Black league (Gough 2022), it is

vital to understand how Black players have been

integrated over the league’s history. This analysis

contributes to theory and research on racialized

organizations in three ways. First, this study repre-

sents the most comprehensive analysis of racial

integration in a professional sports league. Earlier

research has explored racial integration in sports

by relying on a shorter time frame (e.g., Coleman

and Scott 2018; Siler 2019), focusing on a single

position or set of positions (e.g., Coutts and Van

Rheenen 2021), or analyzing a single institution

(e.g., Hawkins 2002). No previous study has ana-

lyzed every player in every position across the

entire history of a professional league. Second, our

data allow us to observe change over time in the

racial composition of key positions, thereby sup-

plying insight into whether and how positional

composition has evolved over time. Finally, we

analyze how racial dynamics and position interact

to shape career duration. We begin with a theoreti-

cal framework centered on Ray’s theory of racial-

ized organizations, followed by a brief history of

the inclusion of Black players over time. We then

turn to our empirical analysis.

RACIALIZED ORGANIZATIONS,

CULTURAL SCHEMAS, AND

POSITIONAL “FIT”

Organizations serve as central sites where racial

hierarchies are reproduced over time (Ray 2019;

Ray and Seamster 2016; Wooten and Couloute

2017). Inequality regimes within work organiza-

tions, defined as “interlocked practices and pro-

cesses that result in continuing inequalities” (Acker

2006:441), shape every aspect of employment,

including recruitment, retention, advancement, and

termination. Racial ideologies are embedded

within and shape these interlocking practices in

ways that reproduce macro-level social hierarchies

(Bonilla-Silva 2015; Omi and Winant 2014; Ray

2019). Racialized hierarchies within organizations

Marquez-Velarde et al. 3

matter for access to a range of social, political, and

economic rewards (Avent-Holt and Tomaskovic-

Devey 2019), including wealth and income, pres-

tige, power, and recognition. Thus, by reproducing

racial hierarchies, organizations produce and

reproduce society’s racial order (Ray 2019).

Organizational decision-makers rely on cultural

schemas to imagine the ideal incumbent for each

position (Bonilla-Silva 1997; Ridgeway 2006;

Williams, Blair-Loy, and Berdahl 2013). Cultural

schemas draw on racial ideologies regarding skill,

ability, and competence and map these onto the

characteristic of the job-specific “ideal worker”

(Roediger and Esch 2012). Schemas are reinforced

over time as successful examples are held up as

typical; characteristics of successful incumbents

come to be viewed as requisite characteristics nec-

essary for success (Dumas and Sanchez-Burks

2015). In this way, cultural schemas serve as mech-

anisms for translating racial ideologies into organi-

zational practice in ways that reinforce status

hierarchies in performance evaluations, job alloca-

tion, and the distribution of rewards (Wooten and

Couloute 2017). The embeddedness of these sche-

mas enhances segregation over time, which further

concentrates power and resources among more

privileged members of the organization (Ray

2019).

Cultural schemas also reinforce racialized pat-

terns of occupational attainment by rationalizing

unequal practices and outcomes (Carrillo 2020),

often with reference to natural or innate differ-

ences in ability. Racial and gender stereotypes

about White and Black men date back at least to

the antebellum period when Black men were con-

structed as brutish, naturally strong, impervious to

pain, and lacking in intellect (Davis 1991). Black

men’s ability to endure hard work was attributed

to innate characteristics rather than work ethic

(Plous and Williams 1995). By contrast, White

men have historically been viewed as intellectu-

ally superior, possessing a strong character and

commitment to work (Feagin 2020; Plous and

Williams 1995). Thus, White men’s relative status

and power resulted from their social characteris-

tics, what W. E. B. Du Bois (1935) termed the

“wages of whiteness.” Inequalities resulting from

perceived natural or innate differences are seen as

legitimate and are less likely to be challenged

(Glenn 2002). Turning these perceived differ-

ences into a social fact—the “reification of rac-

ism” (Sewell 2016)—allows inequality to persist

through reliance on cultural schemas by organiza-

tional actors (Ray 2019).

Essentialist understandings of physical and

intellectual ability are particularly salient in shap-

ing cultural schemas regarding athletes (Billings

and Eastman 2002; Denham 2020). Racialized

schemas regarding White intellectual prowess and

Black physical endurance shape attitudes and par-

ticipation in football starting in childhood and con-

tinuing through the professional career (Beamon

2010). Black male adolescents are strongly encour-

aged by family members, coaches, peers, and oth-

ers to pursue athletics as a pathway to economic

mobility (Beamon 2010). This over-emphasis on

sports over academic achievement often reflects a

tendency to view young Black men as less capable

and committed to academic success (Bryan 2017)

and more suited to roles requiring physical strength

and “natural” athletic ability (Coakley 2006; B. W.

Collins 2007). Thus, racial schemas contribute to

the socialization of Black boys into sports by dis-

couraging academic and intellectual pursuits and

rewarding them for athletic achievements (Beamon

2010; Beamon and Bell 2002). Participation trends

suggest that White adolescents’ participation in

football is declining—what Alana Semuels (2019)

refers to as “white flight” from football—relative

to Black adolescents, accelerating in a widening

racial gap in the pipeline of current and future NFL

players (Drape and Belson 2019).

Racialized dichotomies of “brain vs. brawn”

remain deeply entrenched in stereotypes of athletes

and shape the perceptions of athletes by scouts,

analysts, fans, broadcasters, reporters, and coaches

(Bigler and Jeffries 2008; Foy and Ray 2019;

Rasmussen, Esgate, and Turner 2005). Black ath-

letes are perceived as physically superior yet intel-

lectually and academically inferior (Sailes 2017).

Similarly, media coverage often reinforces the

same dichotomy by equating Black athletes with

natural talent and physical prowess while denigrat-

ing their character and intelligence (Hughey and

Goss 2015; Rada and Wulfemeyer 2005).

Rather than integrate players into roles where

they are best suited, racial schemas systematically

limit individuals’ access to certain positions.

“Racial stacking” refers to the channeling of play-

ers into roles or positions based on stereotypes

regarding athleticism and intellectual ability

(Coleman and Scott 2018). Racial stacking has

been documented in men and women’s collegiate

and professional sports including football, base-

ball, basketball, hockey, softball, and volleyball

(Eitzen and Furst 1989; Eitzen and Sanford 1975;

Hawkins 2002; Jamieson, Reel, and Gill 2002;

Lewis 1995; Perchot et al. 2016; Pitts and Yost

4 Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 00(0)

2013; Sack, Singh, and Thiel 2005; Siler 2019;

Valentine 2012; Woodward 2004). Compared to

White athletes, Black athletes tend to be channeled

into positions characterized by lower visibility and

status, higher physical demands and risk, and fewer

opportunities for leadership on and off the field

(Sailes 2017).

Racial stacking in football begins early and con-

tinues across the career. Charles Coleman and Jason

Scott (2018) document the ways that racial schemas

channel White players into the quarterback position

and Black players into the cornerback position.

White players are channeled into the quarterback

role, White players are channeled into the quarter-

back role, the position most associated with intellect

and leadership while Black players are channeled

into the cornerback role, a position more associated

with strength and athleticism. During the transition

from high school to college, Black quarterbacks are

more likely than White players to change position

over time, while White running backs are more likely

than Black players to change position (Pitts and Yost

2013). For example, Terrelle Pryor was a star quar-

terback in high school who led Ohio State to two Big

Ten championships. However, after being drafted he

switched to wide receiver where he played profes-

sionally on multiple teams (Haynes 2020).

Black players also face greater scrutiny com-

pared to White players during the draft process and

are routinely confronted with racist stereotypes

about their criminal history, proclivity for violence,

and extended family obligations (Dufur and

Feinberg 2009). Black quarterbacks are described in

ways that emphasize their physical strength and lack

of intelligence (Mercurio and Filak 2010), while

White quarterbacks are described as less physically

gifted but more mentally prepared for the rigors of

professional play (see also Ferrucci and Tandoc

2017; Woodward 2004). Black quarterbacks are rou-

tinely rated lower on leadership, intelligence, and

decision-making compared to White athletes by

NFL draft experts (Bigler and Jeffries 2008), thereby

reinforcing barriers to entry into professional sports,

particularly for Black quarterbacks.

Sorting by race and position continues after

players enter the NFL. In their analysis of racial

stacking among quarterbacks and cornerbacks

from 1990 to 2016, Coleman and Scott (2018)

found that cornerbacks remain dominated by Black

players, while quarterbacks remain dominated by

White players. Warren Moon, the only Black quar-

terback in the Pro Football Hall of Fame, recounts

in his autobiography repeated attempts by coaches

at every level to shift his position due to doubts

regarding his intellect and leadership ability (Moon

2009). This evidence suggests that starting very

early in their playing careers and continuing

through their professional careers, Black players

are channeled into positions according to racial

schemas regarding their physicality and athleti-

cism. By contrast, White players are encouraged to

take on highly visible leadership roles on and off

the field. In this way, channeling serves to restrict

Black players’ access to certain positions and rein-

force stereotypes about Black athleticism and

White leadership.

By driving perceptions about positional “fit,”

cultural schemas contribute to racialized patterns

of segregation (Ray 2019). The endurance of racial

stacking over time strengthens cultural schemas

that associate race with strengths and abilities and

players with particular roles. The current study

advances our understanding of these processes by

analyzing racial segregation/integration in the

NFL. By overcoming data limitations that restricted

analyses to certain positions, seasons, or time

frames, we provide the most comprehensive analy-

sis of racial integration in the NFL. Before turning

to our analysis, we supply a brief historical over-

view of racial integration in the NFL.

A BRIEF HISTORY OF RACIAL

INTEGRATION IN THE NFL

The racial composition of the NFL has dramati-

cally changed since the league’s inception in 1920

(as the American Professional Football Association,

renamed the National Football League in 1922).

Formed by Midwestern club owners during the

height of Jim Crow, professional football explic-

itly

excluded Black players until desegregation in

1946 (Crepeau 2014). While the league has become

less openly discriminatory, racism continues to

shape Black players’ experiences. Specifically, the

historical roots of anti-Blackness have led to a con-

tinued de facto separation of races in both on-field

player positions, coaching, and leadership roles off

the field.

The 1960s

The 1960s served as a landmark era for the intro-

duction of Black players into professional football,

particularly in the AFL. Black athletes began using

sport as platform to advocate for new federal civil

rights laws, including Title VI of the Civil Rights

Act that prohibited workplace discrimination

(Dubin 2015). Compared to the NFL, the AFL took

Marquez-Velarde et al. 5

a more expansive approach to racial integration

focusing on racial disparities in player treatment,

pay, quotas, and stacking (Berrett 2018; Crepeau

2014). The appointment of Marlin Briscoe as the

league’s first starting Black quarterback in 1968

was a pivotal moment in challenging racist stereo-

types regarding the ability of Black players to lead

teams on the field.

1970 to 1992

The late 1960s merger of the AFL and NFL brought

cohesiveness to the industry and granted players

more bargaining rights vis-à-vis league manage-

ment. As the NFL became an “unparalleled eco-

nomic juggernaut” and cultural spectacle (Powers

1984; Serazio 2019:6), Black players began orga-

nizing through the NFL Players’ Association, a

labor union that represents their interests on and off

the field. In 1987, the NFL crushed a strike by hir-

ing replacement players and instituted “Plan B,” a

policy protecting teams from free agency demands.

Black players continued to organize, taking the

NFL to court in the 1990s. New York Jets running

back Freeman McNeil stood as lead plaintiff in

McNeil v. National Football League (Freeman

1992), successfully suing the league for violating

federal antitrust laws for restricting players’ free

agency. The plaintiffs won a unanimous jury ver-

dict (Freeman 1992), which greatly expanded play-

ers’ autonomy to negotiate their contracts. Soon

thereafter, players brought another class-action suit

to recoup financial losses suffered under Plan B.

Philadelphia Eagles defensive lineman Reggie

White served as lead plaintiff. When players won

the suit, the NFL agreed to an expansive free

agency policy that offered athletes control of their

careers. Remarkably, McNeil and White’s roles as

representatives in these cases meant that Black

men legally and visually represented all NFL play-

ers in the fight for free agency.

1993 to 2002

Racial discrimination—and resulting tensions—

continued into the 1990s. In a survey by Sports

Illustrated, a majority of Black athletes reported dis-

crimination while White players believed everyone

was treated equally (Johnson 1991). Conservative

pundit Rush Limbaugh demonstrated the persistence

of racial stereotypes in sports media when, in 2003,

he argued on ESPN that quarterback Donovan

McNabb lacked talent and had been hired because

he was Black (Bonesteel 2021). While Limbaugh

lost his job over the comment, his continued popu-

larity illustrates millions of Americans’ acceptance

of anti-Black stereotypes.

2003 to 2013

By the early 2000s, the NFL’s weak record of racial

equality in coaching, management, and executive

roles was increasingly apparent. Team owners and

executive leadership attempted to resolve this issue

by implementing the Rooney Rule, an internal

affirmative action policy named after Pittsburgh

Steelers owner Dan Rooney. As head of the NFL

Committee on Workplace Diversity, Rooney wrote

the policy, which was adopted in 2003 (Carroll

2018). Enacted in response to concerns about per-

sistent racism, the rule mandated team leaders to

interview at least one candidate of color for head

coaching jobs (SI Staff 2017). The rule doubled the

number of Black coaches within four years, from

two Black head coaches in 2003 to four in 2007 (B.

W. Collins 2007; Madden and Ruther 2011), though

the long-term efficacy of the rule has proven less

clear (Gallagher et al. 2021).

2014 to 2020

Racial tensions in the league bubbled over yet again

in 2014 when Colin Kaepernick’s non-violent pro-

test and subsequent ban by the NFL drew attention

to #BlackLivesMatter nationwide. In 2017, then-

U.S. president Donald Trump railed against football

players who knelt on the field (Jenkins 2017).

Trump unintentionally united players and managers

when he lambasted team owners for keeping activ-

ist players on the roster and mocked the league’s

rule changes aimed at protecting players from head

injuries (Houghteling and Dantzler 2020). Even the

most conservative owners took umbrage at being

told how to run their business though they responded

to players’ demands with vaguely supportive state-

ments rather than any condemnation of systemic

racism (McGannon and Butryn 2020). The Sunday

following Trump’s statement, teams around the

country knelt together (Graham 2017); aside from

rebuking Trump, this was the largest racial justice

protest in American sports history.

As this brief history demonstrates, Black play-

ers have long been at the forefront of mobilizing

and organizing for better and more equitable treat-

ment. Though the league has transformed from an

exclusively White to a Black majority league,

racial inequality continues to shape players’

experiences.

6 Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 00(0)

METHODOLOGY

Data

Our study relies on a data set that includes 20,357

players who appeared in at least one regular-sea-

son or playoff game in the NFL from 1960

through 2020. Player data were acquired from

Hidden Game Sports (HGS; Hidden Game Sports

2022), which licenses professional-grade statisti-

cal and biographical sports data sets including to

Pro-Football-Reference.com to commercial enti-

ties (e.g., media entities, sports websites, sports

statistics providers, game companies) and aca-

demic research centers. Maintained by Sports

Reference LLC, PFR was built from the Palmer-

Pullis Pro Football Dataset and first published in

the ESPN Pro Football Encyclopedia [Silverman

and Palmer]. HGS independently developed and

licensed the Race/Ethnicity football data set,

which gathered and verified all race/ethnicity

assignments (see Racial Categorization Methods).

Football-related Variables of Interest

We grouped all offensive and defensive football

positions into nine categories: defensive back,

defensive line, kicker/punter, linebacker, offensive

line, quarterback, running back, tight end, and wide

receiver. Players who only played on special teams

were not tracked by HGS and were excluded. We

used the year of first and last game to determine

career length. The year of the first game was also

used to assign each player into the following eras:

1960 to 1969, 1970 to 1992, 1993 to 2002, 2003 to

2013, and 2014 to 2020. We categorized years in

five eras according to major events related to racial

integration as outlined in the previous section.

Racial Categorization

Race data for all former NFL players are housed in

a separate demographic database held by HGS.

HGS originally identified 20 race/ethnicity catego-

ries that included conventionally used definitions

(Black, White, Asian, Latino) with additional des-

ignations based on country of birth.

For the pre-integration era, race designations

were assigned using a number of criteria. Players

contracted to play for a professional team or col-

lege conference prior to its known historical inte-

gration date were categorized solely by this

membership. Players on NFL teams prior to inte-

gration were characterized as White unless evi-

dence indicated they were Latino, Native American/

First Nations, or Asian. Similarly, men who

attended Historically Black Colleges and

Universities were characterized as Black if they

played football before integration. For teams inte-

grated in their early years but later segregated and

reintegrated, players were recorded as White for

the segregated periods. HGS also classified some

players as White for the early years of integration

and re-integration unless they were found on reli-

ably documented lists of known Black players.

Those who played in leagues post-integration

were classified by HGS based on multiple sources

including but not limited to self-identification by

players; biographical data from social media;

birth country of origin; interviews, biographies,

autobiographies, and memoirs; U.S. census com-

pilation of Latino surnames; Native American/

First Nations tribal registration and membership

definitions; academic, media, or historical

accounts of pioneering players of color and/or

teams, conferences, or leagues that broke integra-

tion barriers; team photographs; trading cards and

Hall of Fame images; high school, college, or

league websites; NFL’s media guides, publica-

tions, websites, and photographs; interviews with

players, coaches, executives, and scholars; and

game footage review. Players with undetermined

race and/or ethnicity were excluded; most were

replacement players and/or non-drafted free

agents who played under Plan B during the 1987

strike or drafted before media coverage included

photographs.

For the purposes of this study, NFL players

were categorized as Black, White, or Latino. Lived

experience studies suggest that multiracial

Americans with Black or African American iden-

tity and ancestry have been historically perceived

solely as Black (Chen et al. 2018; Ho et al. 2011;

Krosch et al. 2013). Thus, HGS characterized these

multiracial players as Black.

Statistical Analysis

We calculated frequency distributions for Black,

White, and Latino players by career length, era of

first game, and position. Players of other racial

backgrounds and missing players were excluded

due to small cell size. We estimated generalized

linear models to predict position status and Poisson

regression to estimate career length. Players whose

first game occurred between 1960 to 1969 served

as the reference group for the era of first game vari-

able. Players with White race designations served

as the reference group for Black and Latino

Marquez-Velarde et al. 7

players. Kicker/punter was the reference group for

the position variable. Statistical significance was

set at p < .05. All estimations and analyses were

calculated using R Statistical Software (R Core

Team 2013).

RESULTS

Table 1 shows the distribution of race including

Black, White, and Latino categories across era of

first game played, position, and career length.

Since 1960, the percentage of Black NFL players

across the league has increased such that Black

players comprised more than 72 percent of all play-

ers who played their first professional games

between 2014 and 2020. In contrast, the percentage

of White players has steadily decreased since 1960

from 73.1 to 24.4 percent. Latino players have rep-

resented a small percentage of players since 1960

(0.5 percent), although do show slight increases

over time (1.3 percent in 2014–2020). Looking

across all eras, positions including defensive back,

defensive line, linebacker, running back, and wide

receiver have been played by a majority of Black

players. Kicker/punter, offensive line, quarterback,

and tight end have been played more by White

players than other groups. While Black players

were the most represented group across all career

length categories, White and Black players were

almost evenly represented in the longest career

category.

Figure 1 displays the percentage of players in

each race category by year. Since 1960, the per-

centage of Black players has increased from

approximately 15 percent of all former players to

more than 70 percent. The sharpest increase in

Black players occurred before 1990. Since then,

the percentage distribution of Black and White

players has remained relatively stable.

Figure 2 shows the percentage of each race for

each position category by year since 1960. Three

distinct patterns emerge. First, a pattern

Table 1. Characteristics of the NFL Cohort (1960–2020; N = 20,357).

Total, N (%)

Race/ethnicity, N (%)

Black

N = 12,121

White

N = 8,070

Latino

N = 166

Era of first game:

1960–1969 2,862 (14.1) 756 (26.4) 2,091 (73.1) 15 (0.5)

1970–1992 7,207 (35.4) 3,967 (55.0) 3,193 (44.3) 47 (0.7)

1993–2002 3,335 (16.4) 2,337 (70.1) 968 (29.0) 30 (0.9)

2003–2013 4,052 (19.9) 2,906 (71.7) 1,109 (27.4) 37 (0.9)

2014–2020 2,901 (14.3) 2,155 (74.3) 709 (24.4) 37 (1.3)

Position:

Defensive back 3,779 (18.6) 3,109 (82.3) 658 (17.4) 12 (0.3)

Defensive line 3,030 (14.9) 1,928 (63.6) 1,081 (35.7) 21 (0.7)

Kicker/punter 634 (3.1) 19 (3.0) 579 (91.3) 36 (5.7)

Linebacker 2,849 (14.0) 1,635 (57.4) 1,197 (42.0) 17 (0.6)

Offensive Line 3,191 (15.7) 1,002 (31.4) 2,155 (67.5) 34 (1.1)

Quarterback 815 (4.0) 93 (11.4) 711 (87.2) 11 (1.3)

Running back 2,473 (12.1) 1,921 (77.7) 543 (22.0) 9 (0.4)

Tight end 1,195 (5.9) 512 (42.8) 674 (56.4) 9 (0.8)

Wide receiver 2,391 (11.7) 1,902 (79.5) 472 (19.7) 17 (0.7)

Career length

One season 4,567 (25.2) 1,315 (52.6) 1,165 (46.6) 19 (0.8)

2–5 seasons 6,775 (37.3) 4,126 (60.9) 2,597 (38.3) 52 (0.8)

6–9 seasons 4,309 (23.7) 2,552 (59.2) 1,731 (40.2) 26 (0.6)

10+ seasons 2,499 (13.8) 2,558 (56.0) 1,968 (43.1) 41 (0.9)

Total N values for era of first game, position and career length are shown alongside column percentages.

Total N values for race/ethnicity categories are shown alongside row percentages.

Players whose final game was listed as 2020 have been removed because they may still be active.

8 Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 00(0)

of cumulative hyper-segregation in which the

defensive back, defensive line, linebacker, running

back, and wide receiver began as White-dominated

positions and over time came to be comprised of

mostly Black players. The second pattern, durable

segregation, is represented by the quarterback and

kicker/punter positions, where little change has

occurred since 1960; White players have domi-

nated these positions with very little change over

time. Finally, positions including tight end and

offensive line started as predominantly White posi-

tions, and over time have become relatively equally

represented by Black and White players displaying

a pattern of cumulative integration. For example,

from 1960 to 1969, 15.0 percent of offensive line-

men were Black, and 85.0 percent were White; in

1993 to 2002, 39.2 percent of offensive linemen

were Black and 58.4 percent were White. By 2014

to 2020, 44.0 percent of offensive linemen were

Black and 54.4 percent were White (data not

shown).

Table 2 displays the results from models that

predicted position status (yes/no) for each of nine

positions that used race and era of first game as pre-

dictors. In all nine models, race was a significant

predictor of position status, after adjusting for the

era of first game. Black players are 4 and 3.4 times

significantly more likely to be a defensive or run-

ning back compared to White players, whereas

they are 99 percent less likely to be quarterbacks.

The odds of being assigned to a specific position

were associated with the era of first game for all

positions except for linebacker and wide receiver.

Table 3 reflects parameter estimates and 95 per-

cent confidence intervals for models that predicted

career length using race, era of first game, and

position. These analyses demonstrate that Black

players had small but significantly increased career

lengths when White players are used as the refer-

ence group. After adjusting for race and era of first

game, running backs, wide receivers, and defensive

backs had the shortest careers, while quarterbacks

and kicker/punters—two positions that have main-

tained White dominance—had the longest careers.

DISCUSSION

The current study analyzed patterns of racial integra-

tion among players in the NFL from 1960 to 2020. We

framed our analysis using Ray’s (2019) theory of

Figure 1. Percentage of professional football players by race/ethnicity from 1960 to 2020.

Marquez-Velarde et al. 9

Figure 2. Percent race/ethnicity by position by year of professional football career start, 1960 to 2020.

racialized organizations, which suggests that racial

schemas are embedded in the structure of organiza-

tions and reproduced through organizational prac-

tices. Relying on data for 20,357 players over a

60-year period, we explore the racial distribution of

positions and the impact on career length. Our analy-

sis reveals three distinct patterns of integration over

time: cumulative hyper-segregation, durable hyper-

segregation, and cumulative integration (see Table 4).

First, our analysis shows cumulative hyper-seg-

regation of the highest-risk positions, including

defensive back, defensive line, linebacker, running

back, and wide receiver. The hyper-segregation of

Black players in these positions has significant

consequences for players’ careers and post-career

well-being. Our analysis shows that players in

these positions (particularly running backs, wide

receivers, and defensive backs) tend to have the

shortest careers. These positions are also associated

with a greater risk of injury and long-term adverse

cognitive, physical, and emotional outcomes, and

death compared to other positions (Roberts et al.

2019, 2020). Defensive lineman, running backs,

linebackers, defensive backs, and wide receivers

are also more likely to experience high frequency

head impacts (Karton, Hoshizaki, and Gilchrist

2020). Repetitive head impacts are associated with

neurological disorders later in life, including

chronic traumatic encephalopathy, worse cogni-

tion, hormone insufficiencies, and brain alterations

(Adams et al. 2018; Alosco et al. 2018; Didehbani

et al. 2013; Koerte et al. 2016; Ling et al. 2017;

Mez et al. 2017; Stern et al. 2019; Roberts et al.

2019; Kmush et al. 2020). Furthermore, over 90

percent of players report a musculoskeletal injury

during their careers, and 75 percent report long-

term damage from those injuries (Kerr et al. 2021).

Injuries also limit earning potential as “a dollar of

injured talent is a dollar of productivity lost”

(Gregory-Smith 2021:846). Hence, these players

trail behind quarterbacks in terms of salary and per-

ceptions of value to the team (Brooks 2015; NFL

2022). Notably, some of these positions are associ-

ated with substantial salary, public recognition, and

even, in some instances, celebrity status. However,

players who occupy these hyper-segregated posi-

tions face significant risks and do not enjoy equiva-

lent rewards as quarterbacks.

Table 2. Odds Ratios, 95 percent Confidence Intervals (CI), and p Values for Position Assignment by Race/Ethnicity and Era of First Game for Players in the

NFL from 1960 to 2020.

Model 1:

Defensive back

OR, CI, p value

Model 2:

Defensive line

OR, CI, p value

Model 3: Kicker

OR, CI, p value

Model 4:

Linebacker

OR, CI, p value

Model 5:

Offensive Line

OR, CI, p value

Model 6:

Quarterback

OR, CI, p value

Model 7:

Running back

OR, CI, p value

Model 8: Tight

end

OR, CI, p value

Model 9: Wide

receiver

OR, CI, p value

Era of first game

1960–1969 Reference

1970–1992 0.66 (0.58, 0.74),

p < .001

0.69 (0.61, 0.78),

p < .001

3.03 (2.3, 4.05),

p < .001

1.27 (1.12, 1.45),

p < .001

1.12 (1, 1.26),

p = .061

1.19 (0.98, 1.45),

p = .085

0.6 (0.52, 0.68),

p < .001

1.85 (1.5, 2.3),

p < .001

1.23 (1.05, 1.45),

p = .012

1993–2002 0.62 (0.54, 0.72),

p < .001

0.73 (0.64, 0.85),

p < .001

3.59 (2.61, 4.99),

p < .001

1.17 (1.01, 1.37),

p = .04

1.41 (1.22, 1.62),

p < .001

1.43 (1.12, 1.83),

p = .004

0.43 (0.36, 0.5),

p < .001

2.66 (2.1, 3.38),

p < .001

1.1 (0.92, 1.32),

p = .292

2003–2013 0.65 (0.57, 0.75),

p < .001

0.77 (0.68, 0.89),

p < .001

3.09 (2.25, 4.29),

p < .001

1.2 (1.03, 1.39),

p = .017

1.41 (1.23, 1.62),

p < .001

1.28 (1, 1.63),

p = .046

0.38 (0.32, 0.44),

p < .001

2.45 (1.94, 3.1),

p < .001

1.2 (1.01, 1.43),

p = .044

2014–2020 0.66 (0.57, 0.76),

p < .001

0.72 (0.62, 0.84),

p < .001

3.57 (2.54, 5.05),

p < .001

1.18 (1.01, 1.38),

p = .04

1.56 (1.34, 1.8),

p < .001

1.24 (0.94, 1.63),

p = .124

0.32 (0.27, 0.38),

p < .001

2.56 (2.01, 3.29),

p < .001

1.29 (1.08, 1.55),

p = .006

Race

White Reference

Black 4.29 (3.9, 4.72),

p < .001

1.3 (1.19, 1.41),

p < .001

0.02 (0.01, 0.03),

p < .001

0.87 (0.8, 0.95),

p = .002

0.22 (0.21, 0.24),

p < .001

0.08 (0.06, 0.09),

p < .001

3.38 (3.04, 3.77),

p < .001

0.4 (0.36, 0.46),

p < .001

2.9 (2.6, 3.24),

p < .001

Latino 0.95 (0.5, 1.65),

p = .873

0.98 (0.6, 1.52),

p = .939

3.06 (2.06, 4.44),

p < .001

0.64 (0.37, 1.04),

p = .087

0.64 (0.43, 0.93),

p = .022

0.7 (0.35, 1.23),

p = .254

1.01 (0.47, 1.88),

p = .979

0.53 (0.25, 0.98),

p = .066

1.78 (1.03, 2.88),

p = .027

Note. OR = odds ratios; CI = confidence interval.

Marquez-Velarde et al. 11

Table 3. Effect Estimates, 95 percent Confidence Intervals, and p Values for Career Length Adjusted

for Era of First Game, Position and Race, 1960 to 2020, N = 18,150.

Predictors β (95% CI), p value

Race:

White Reference

Black 0.083 (0.056, 0.11), p < .001

Latino −0.074 (−0.213, 0.064), p = .293

Era of first game:

1960–1969 Reference

1970–1992 −0.038 (−0.072, −0.004), p = .029

1993–2002 0.042 (0.003, 0.081), p = .035

2003–2013 −0.136 (−0.174, −0.098), p < .001

2013–2019 −0.847 (−0.896, −0.798), p < .001

Position:

Defensive back −0.291 (−0.371, −0.211), p < .001

Defensive line −0.208 (−0.288, −0.128), p < .001

Kicker/punter Reference

Linebacker −0.254 (−0.334, −0.174), p < .001

Offensive Line −0.117 (−0.196, −0.039), p = 0.003

Quarterback −0.022 (−0.116, 0.073), p = 0.654

Running back −0.404 (−0.485, −0.322), p < .001

Tight end −0.221 (−0.307, −0.134) p < .001

Wide receiver −0.368 (−0.451, −0.284), p < .001

Note. CI = confidence interval.

The second pattern we observed was durable

hyper-segregation among the highest-prestige

central position: quarterback. Our analysis shows

very little integration of Black players into the

quarterback position (or kicker/punter) from the

1960s to the present. White players continue to

dominate this position even though Black players

comprise a large majority of players overall (74

percent for the period 2014–2020). Not only do

quarterbacks enjoy the longest average careers,

but this position is also the most visible,

prestigious, and lucrative. Quarterbacks are the

top 10 highest-paid players as measured by 2022

contracts (NFL 2022) and frequent winners of the

Most Valuable Player Award (Pro Football

Reference 2021). The 10 highest-paid players in

NFL history have been quarterbacks, all of them

White (Rolfe 2021). Both quarterbacks and kick-

ers/punters—two positions where White players

dominate—enjoy the longest careers and are the

least likely to experience negative health out-

comes, cognition related injuries, and diminished

Table 4. Racial Pattern Designations, Descriptions, and Positions.

Racial pattern designation Description Positions

Cumulative hyper-

segregation

Positions that originated as White-only

or White-dominated (1960–1969) but

became Black-dominated by 2014–2020

Defensive back; defensive line,

linebacker, running back,

wide receiver

Durable hyper-segregation Positions that originated and remain

White-only or White-dominated across

all studied eras

Quarterback; kicker/punter

Integration Positions that originated as White-only

or White-dominated but converted to

relatively more equitable proportions of

White and Black players.

Tight end; offensive line

12 Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 00(0)

quality of life post-career compared (Karton et al.

2020; Author 2019).

The lower health risks and high status of quar-

terbacks also translate into other opportunities,

such as branding endorsements and post-career

coaching deals (Braddock, Smith, and Dawkins

2012; Finch, McDowell, and Sagas 2010; Foreman

and Turick 2020; Rolfe 2021). As Gary Sailes

(2017) concludes, a lack of leadership on the field

translates into a lack of leadership opportunities off

the field. Thus, the pattern of durable hyper-segre-

gation among the position with the highest pres-

tige, status, and visibility has significant

implications for players on and off the field, during

and after active playing years. Notably, coaches,

front office staff, and team owners are still over-

whelmingly White (Leonhardt 2022).

Finally, our analysis shows cumulative integra-

tion in more hybrid positions, including tight end

and offensive line. While these positions began as

White-dominant positions, over time they have

become integrated and now comprise Black and

White players equally. We refer to these positions

as “hybrid” because they fall near the middle in

terms of risk and reward. While both positions put

players at some degree of risk for head impacts,

these positions present medium risk to players’

quality of life post-career (Author 2019; Karton

et al. 2020). Importantly, these positions have

evolved in highly variable ways in terms of style

and expectations of play. The nature of tight end

and offensive line positions is such that teams des-

ignate different roles and expectations to players

depending on player strengths and team needs. For

example, players in these positions can be utilized

as receivers, blockers, play makers, or option run

players (Maaddi 2022; Reid and McManus 2021).

In hybrid positions, Black or White players may be

preferred based on the nature of the position, a

practice known as racial tasking (Wingfield and

Alston 2014). In this case, White players might be

assigned more leader-like roles, while Black play-

ers are relegated to bear the brunt of riskier physi-

cal work. Under these conditions, racial task

assignments may uphold racial hierarchies even

within the same, seemingly integrated, positions

(Wingfield and Alston 2014).

These findings reveal an important distinction

in theory and practice between racial diversity

and racial equality. During the period of our

study, the representation of Black players in the

NFL increased from 15 percent to over 70 per-

cent. Yet, numerical representation has not trans-

lated into equal status, full acceptance, or

equitable integration of Black players within

organizations. The data presented in Figures 1

and 2 illustrate that, rather than eliminating the

salience of racial differences within and across

teams, increased representation of Black players

has led to patterns of segregation across posi-

tions. These findings reinforce research on work-

place discrimination, which finds that Black

workers confront a range of barriers—including

channeling, downgrading, and devaluation of

skills—that limit access to high status positions

of power and authority (P. H. Collins 1993; R. A.

Smith 2005). Black workers are often relegated

to secondary labor markets and tend to be steered

into more physical and dangerous jobs with less

autonomy and fewer rewards (Foy and Ray 2019;

Huffman and Cohen 2004). Furthermore, racist

stereotypes create a burden of doubt for Black

workers, including highly skilled professionals,

whereby they are “presumed incompetent” for

positions requiring leadership, strategic thinking,

or intellectual complexity (Gutiérrez y Muhs

et al. 2012; Sailes 2017). These trends, which

reproduce stereotypes about Black masculinity

within a White racial frame (Leonard and King

2010), align closely with the patterns identified

in our analysis whereby Black players are rele-

gated to lower paid positions that place them at

greater risk in the short and long term.

Our findings also undermine key elements of

token theory, which suggests that increasing numerical

representation will reduce stereotypes and hyper-scru-

tiny and enhance opportunity (Kanter 1977). A Black

majority on its own has failed to overcome deeply

ingrained racial schemas. Instead, teams in the NFL

have developed novel ways to reinvent inequality

through “unequal incorporation” (Ray 2019:34) in the

face of increasing diversity among its rosters. Besides

the lack of incorporation of Black players into high

prestige and leadership roles, they remain at much

higher risk than their White counterparts to punitive

measures including fines, suspensions, and other

forms of player discipline (Pradhan and Yacobian

2021). Similarly, starting Black quarterbacks are more

likely to be benched than White quarterbacks, despite

evidence suggesting that teams show less improve-

ment when replacing Black quarterbacks than when

replacing White quarterbacks (Volz 2015).

These findings undermine claims that NFL teams

represent “post-racial” organizations (Hartmann

2007; Love, Deeb, and Waller 2020). On the contrary,

the NFL and its supporters continue to engage the

central frames of colorblind racism, including abstract

liberalism (e.g. “players’ positions are based on merit,

Marquez-Velarde et al. 13

they all have equal opportunity”), naturalization (e.g.

“that’s the way it is”), and minimization (e.g. “racism

has nothing to do with players’ positions”) (Bonilla-

Silva 2022). Colorblind racism is overlooked because

diversity provides an effective cover. It is harder to

make a racialized organization argument when the

entity in question is over 70 percent Black. It is the

organizational equivalent of “some of my best friends

are Black” (Bonilla-Silva 2022:109). Beneath the sur-

face, the NFL remains unchanged, with power and

leadership concentrated among White quarterbacks,

coaches, front-office staff, and team owners.

Our findings also reinforce previous research

on racial stacking, the process by which Black ath-

letes are “stacked” in positions assumed to require

maximum athleticism and minimum cognitive

ability (Coleman and Scott 2018). The patterns we

observe reflect racial schemas that posit Black ath-

letes as skilled and strong but disposable and of

White athletes as intellectual leaders and decision-

makers (Bigler and Jeffries 2008; Siler 2019;

Woodward 2004). The embedded nature of these

schemas in organizational practice legitimizes

racialized patterns of rewards and disadvantages by

making them appear natural or the result of ability

and merit—two cornerstones of colorblind racism

(Bonilla-Silva 2022). Significantly, the historical

and systemic nature of these processes also renders

simplistic or individualistic solutions impractical

and ineffectual.

Finally, our findings illustrate racial capitalism

in action. Black athletes are the backbone of pro-

fessional football as a commercial enterprise. In

2022, the NFL had a revenue of 18 billion dollars

(Moore 2022), while total payroll for the league

was about six billion (Pimentel 2022). Black play-

ers generate significant wealth for White owners

while putting their own bodies and futures on the

line. This is why when a player collapses on the

field, the league’s activities continue mostly undis-

rupted: the alternative impedes profit. Salary dis-

parities and access to additional sources of revenue

such as endorsement income further underscore

our argument. Ultimately, Black players’ bodies

and athletic abilities are commodified in the quest

for profits. Du Bois stated in 1946, “The Negro

race has been the foundation upon which the capi-

talist system has been reared . . .” and his statement

rings true to this day, as evidenced in our analysis.

CONCLUSION

Our analysis demonstrates that organizational

diversity alone is compatible with the reproduction

of racial hierarchies. Representation in such con-

texts ultimately does not advance—and may even

impede—racial justice (Leong 2021). We also

illustrate how professional football is a racialized

organization, governed by racial schemas that

determine the distribution of resources (Ray 2019),

both material and symbolic. Finally, the history of

American football and our empirical analysis pro-

vide a reflection of the mutually constitutive nature

of racialization and capital exploitation. Future

research can build upon the current study in several

ways.

First, an analysis of racial integration among

head coaches, front-office staff, and team owners

over time would complement the current analysis.

Such a study could provide insights into how NFL

organizations incorporate Black individuals into

leadership positions. For example, Black head

coaches remain underrepresented in the league

(Trotter 2021), and they are held to higher stan-

dards of performance (Madden 2004). Research

suggests coaches are valued in highly racialized

ways, with White coaches being valued for their

knowledge, insight, and experience and Black

coaches being valued for their ability to build rela-

tionships with players and recruits (Cunningham

and Bopp 2010). Such an analysis could also reveal

whether and how Black coaches serve as change

agents in terms of racial dynamics within teams.

Second, while our study focuses on the league

overall, our data do not permit analysis of the

mechanisms underlying patterns of racial tasking

within teams. Our analysis reveals important pat-

terns at the aggregate level, and subsequent studies

could integrate organization-level analyses to iden-

tify team characteristics that contribute to players’

segregation or integration. Racial tasking refers to

the tendency for expected tasks to be race-depen-

dent even within the same job or position (Bopp

and Sagas 2014). Analysis of how position-specific

demands and expectations evolve at the team level

may reveal important processes that shape patterns

at the aggregate level. Research finds that Black

quarterbacks are more likely than their White coun-

terparts to be benched net of injury, age, experi-

ence, and performance (Volz 2015). Black

quarterbacks are also assumed to be a greater “dual

threat” compared to White quarterbacks, who are

typically classified as “pocket passers” (J. Smith

2019). These findings suggest the presence of

racial regimes within positions, with different

expectations, risks, and rewards for players depend-

ing on how they are racialized. Such dynamics may

be particularly salient for hybrid positions (e.g.,

14 Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 00(0)

tight end) for which expectations vary significantly

and may follow racialized patterns. Understanding

how recruiters, coaches, and players construct the

characteristics of position incumbents would reveal

whether and how racial schemas shape perceptions

of aptitude and ability.

Third, future research could build on the current

analysis by comparing patterns of integration and

segregation in the NFL to other sports contexts.

Racial stacking has been shown to affect position

allocation in men and women’s sports, at the col-

legiate, Olympic, and professional levels (Eitzen

and Furst 1989; Valentine 2012). Yet, longitudinal

analyses of these patterns remain rare.

Understanding the evolution of racialized (and

gendered) patterns over time can illuminate how

racialized (and gendered) schemas inform percep-

tions of position requirements and how hierarchies

are reproduced and culturally sanctioned through

norms and practices.

Finally, future research can more directly mea-

sure how race and position influence income and

wealth accumulation over time. Such a study could

also trace the influence of race and position on cog-

nitive and physical risks. While our study is sug-

gestive of a strong link between race and position

and position and financial rewards and health risks,

we do not measure these associations directly. Such

an analysis would build on the current study by

illuminating the full range of consequences of posi-

tion-based racial hierarchies in the league in the

short, medium, and long term.

ORCID IDS

Guadalupe Marquez-Velarde https://orcid.org/0000-

0002-5382-165X

Christy Glass https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1230-

088X

NOTE

1. The NFL formed in 1922 and from 1960 to 1969

competed against the American Football League. In

1969, the AFL and NFL merged, forming the league

as it is known today.

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AUTHOR BIOGRAPHIES

Dr. Guadalupe Marquez-Velarde is an Assistant

Professor of Sociology at Utah State University. Her

research and teaching focus on health disparities and

intersectionality, as well as broader racial inequality and

population dynamics.

Dr. Rachel Grashow is the Director of Epidemiological

Research Initiatives for the Football Players Health Study

and a research scientist at the Harvard T. H. Chan School

of Public Health. Her work has focused on how environ-

mental exposures affect the overall and cognitive health

of uniquely vulnerable populations.

Dr. Christy Glass is a Professor of Sociology at Utah

State University. Her research focuses on the ways gen-

der and race shape access to and mobility in professional

work organizations. Glass has pioneered work on the

glass cliff and the impact of representation on organiza-

tional practice.

Dr. Anne M. Blaschke is an Associate Lecturer in the

Department of American Studies at the University of

Massachusetts Boston and a lecturer in the Consortium

for Graduate Studies in Gender, Culture, Women, and

Sexuality at M.I.T. She is a historian of modern American

political culture.

Gary Gillette is a baseball historian and the foremost

expert in the history of the Negro Leagues in Detroit. He

has written, edited, or contributed to scores of baseball

books, peer-reviewed journals, and online publications.

Dr. Herman A. Taylor is an endowed professor and

director of the Cardiovascular Research Institute at the

Morehouse School of Medicine, and a nationally recog-

nized cardiologist with broad experience in invasive prac-

tice and research.

Dr. Alicia J. Whittington is the Assistant Director of

Engagement and Health Equity Research for the Football

Players Health Study at Harvard University. Her work

has focused on genetics of aging and age-related traits,

health disparities, health outcomes, sports injuries, and

community-based research.