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Newspapers in the Transformative 1960s at the University of Newspapers in the Transformative 1960s at the University of
Dayton Dayton
Brendan Zdunek
University of Dayton
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Newspapers in the Transformative
1960s at the University of Dayton
Honors Thesis
Brendan Zdunek
Department: History
Advisor: James Todd Uhlman, Ph.D.
April 2020
Newspapers in the Transformative
1960s at the University of Dayton
Honors Thesis
Brendan Zdunek
Department: History
Advisor: James Todd Uhlman, Ph.D.
April 2020
Abstract
This honors thesis focuses on the University of Dayton during the 1960s when the university transitioned
from a small, parochial Catholic college to a larger, more secular institution. This change was rooted in
much wider transformations taking place in both the Catholic community and broader society during the
decade. During this period of transition, two major groups, Dayton residents and University of Dayton
students, had differing opinions on the transition. Campus and city newspaper coverage of key debates
helped shape public opinion. This thesis examines how the local Dayton Daily News, and the University of
Dayton student newspaper, Flyer News, both reflected and influenced Dayton residents and University of
Dayton students, respectively. Specifically, this thesis identifies three key controversies in the late 1960s at
the University of Dayton that embodied the changes and examines newspaper coverage of them.
Acknowledgements
I would like to acknowledge my parents, Mary and Walter Zdunek, for always encouraging to work hard in
my education, my thesis advisor, Dr. James Todd Uhlman, for all his hard work in guiding and preparing
me for my thesis research and writing, and my late grandfather, Leonard Decker, for his love for history
and passing it on to me.
Table of Contents
Abstract Title Page
Introduction 1
Chapter 1: The Heresy Affair 7
Chapter 2: ROTC Protests 24
Chapter 3: St. Marys Sit-In 39
Conclusion 49
Bibliography 51
P a g e | 1
Introduction
In the 1960s, the University of Dayton campus newspaper, Flyer News, and the
city of Dayton’s principal newspaper, Dayton Daily News, were instrumental in shaping
public debate surrounding changes taking place on campus. This study examines the
manner in which these newspapers covered major debates on campus during this time.
While multiple protests and controversies occurred on the University of Dayton campus,
this thesis will focus on three specific issues and the way newspaper coverage played a
key role in the way the community negotiated them. These issues are a controversy in the
philosophy department called the Heresy Affair, protests against two years of mandatory
ROTC for all males, and a sit-in at the administration building, St. Mary’s Hall, that
called for multiple student demands.
The decade of the 1960s brought about major changes in the American Catholic
community. As they did among many Americans, during the decade, the beliefs and
behavior of American Catholics changed immensely during this time. There were two
major reasons for this transformation. One reason was that the Second Vatican Council
had ushered in an era of openness towards change in the Church. It encouraged those
Catholics who wanted to bring their faith into what they saw as a closer alignment with
the trends of the modern world. The other reason was the social change the United States
was undergoing during the 1960s. Multiple social movements influenced American
Catholics and further stimulated a re-examination of their religious beliefs and morality.
One result was young American Catholics became more active in these movements.
Many priests and nuns became involved in the civil rights movement, young college-age
American Catholics joined the anti-war movement, and leaders such as Jack Kennedy,
Robert Kennedy, and Eugene McCarthy also advocated for social change as well.
As the American Catholic community was being transformed, American Catholic
institutions were transforming as well, especially Catholic higher education. Catholic
colleges and universities such as the University of Dayton were powerful institutions
during this time period. At the beginning of the 1960s, about one-third of all American
colleges and universities were Catholic and they were providing the education of nearly
P a g e | 2
one-fifth of all college students.
1
For decades, American Catholics had viewed higher
education as essentially training grounds for the younger faithful, preparing them to be
good Catholics in a secular world. In the 1950s, the official public image from the
Church leadership and from Catholics themselves was that all of the members of the
Church were happy, obedient, and unified.
2
Catholic universities sought to instill a strong moral education. They tended to do
so by maintaining order and discipline among students through strict student-life policies
such as curfews and restrictions on single-sex dorms. According to research on
University of Dayton students, the majority of students’ attitudes during the 1960s were
primarily focused on campus life. There was very little discussion about outside-the-
campus issues.
3
However, younger American Catholics were emerging in a different world than
their parents. The GI Bill and the general economic boom in the 1950s put American
Catholics of the postwar era on a new path of educational, occupational, and geographical
mobility. American Catholics were moving away from working-class, urban, ethnic
neighborhoods and migrating to middle-class suburbs. As American Catholics became
more integrated in the mass consumer culture of the postwar era, they were exposed to a
wide variety of changes that raised questions about their faith.
These developments were mirrored on a smaller scale within the Church itself.
Pope John XXIII, when he was head of the Catholic Church, convened an ecumenical
council that would later be called the Second Vatican Council. The Council lasted five
years and it undertook the massive task of giving the Catholic Church a new
understanding of itself, of its rules and structures, and of its relationship to the modern,
secular world.
4
One place that the changing social realities and cultural attitudes of the American
Catholic community were present was in its institution of higher education. At this time,
1
James Michael Gavin, “Secularizing Trends in Roman Catholic Colleges and Universities,” (doctoral
thesis, Indiana University, 1971), 4.
2
Kristine LaLonde, “Transformations of Authority: Reform, Rebellion, and Resistance in the Catholic
Church of the 1960s,” (doctoral dissertation, University of Virginia, 2000), 21.
3
Mary Anne Kane, “Attitudes of the UD Student Body During the 60s,” (essay, University of Dayton,
1974), 1.
4
Phillip Gleason, “Catholicism and Cultural Change in the 1960s,” The Review of Politics 34, no. 4 (1972),
94, accessed April 25, 2020, https://www.jstor.org/stable/1405957.
P a g e | 3
institutions of Catholic higher education became the battleground in which the shifting
attitudes in the community were negotiated. The University of Dayton exemplified this.
Attitudes on the University of Dayton campus changed significantly between 1960 and
1970. At the beginning of this period, it retained many characteristics of a smaller, more
parochial Catholic college, but, by the end of the 1960s, the reputation of the university
had become more secular in orientation.
The University of Dayton, like many other institutions of Catholic higher
education, had begun to hire more secular than religious professionals in the postwar era
and, within that secular faculty, there was a decrease of those who obtained their degrees
from Catholic universities.
5
It was not just the student body and faculty becoming more
secular, but the administrations of Catholic higher education were as well. For the
majority of Catholic universities in 1960, the board of trustees consisted entirely of
priests or religious board members. By 1970, they included a far greater number of non-
religious members and, of these non-religious members, there were fewer Catholics.
6
This secularization of Catholic higher education paralleled a reorientation of the
views and the desires of the student body. Students attending college in these years grew
up absorbing secular values through television, radio, and movies. They were
increasingly accustomed to a large amount of freedom in their social lives. Furthermore,
the early 1960s was an idealistic time for young American Catholics: the economy was
strong, the young and inspiring Catholic John Kennedy was president, college enrollment
continued to rise, and with the Second Vatican Council, the Church had signaled a
willingness to consider change. These young American Catholics saw an opportunity to
positively change the society.
7
As we shall see, Flyer News played an instrumental role in
mediating on-campus student debate over changing values while Dayton Daily News
mediated public perception of the changes taking place on the University of Dayton’s
campus in the 1960s.
In the postwar era, the growth of radio and television emerged as the primary
source of news for Americans, especially among the upper-class and college-educated.
5
Gavin, “Secularizing Trends,” 63-64.
6
Gavin, “Secularizing Trends,” 67, 69.
7
Helen Marie Ciernick, “Student Life on Catholic-College Campuses in the San Francisco Bay Area during
the 1960s,” (doctoral dissertation, The Catholic University of America, 2003), 103.
P a g e | 4
The role of print journalism, however, started to fade. Newspapers began to decline as the
primary source of news for Americans.
8
Newspaper circulation per household across the
United States decreased from 1.29 newspapers in 1945 to 1.05 in 1965. However, in
smaller to more medium-sized cities, such as Dayton, circulation for newspapers
remained unchanged or even increased.
9
In Dayton, the Dayton Daily News, the main
newspaper of the Dayton metropolitan area, remained the major source of news for the
area.
For their part, during the 1960s, campus newspapers played a critical role in the
way students negotiated the debates of the time. These newspapers played an important
role of reporting news on college campuses and publishing opinions of members of the
campus community, both student and non-student members.
10
Additionally, student
newspapers gave first-hand accounts of protest-related events. They not only reported on
what occurred at these events but they also provided a voice for students about the events
in columns, in editorials, and in letters to the editor.
11
Flyer News reported events on
Dayton’s campus and also gave the students a forum to voice their opinions on issues that
affected them. While Flyer News was similar to other student newspapers in this fashion,
it was also different from most student newspapers in one major way. Flyer News was
university-funded, but, while it was financially dependent on the university, the students
ran the newspaper independently of any administration restrictions.
12
This was unlike
many student newspapers, especially at other Catholic universities, where criticism of the
administration could result in restrictions.
In the years before the 1960s, Dayton Daily News and Flyer News worked to
safely situate the University of Dayton in the mainstream of American culture. The
Dayton Daily News heaped praise upon the University of Dayton. In their editorials, they
lauded the University for its value and service to the city of Dayton. The relationship
8
Roper Organization, Trends in Public Attitudes Towards Television and Other Mass Media, 1959-1974
(New York, Television Information Office, 1975), 3.
9
David R. Davies, The Postwar Decline of American Newspapers, 1945-1965: The History of American
Journalism (Westport, Praeger, 2006), 114.
10
Terry L. Hapney, Jr., “Student Governance on Public University Campuses in Ohio: Higher Education
Administrators vs. Student Journalists,” (doctoral dissertation, University of Dayton, 2012), 30.
11
Kaylene Dial Armstrong, “Telling Their Own Story: How Student Newspapers Reported Campus Unrest,
1962-1970,” (doctoral dissertation, University of Southern Mississippi, 2013), 3.
12
Dick Baker, “Where Do Student Groups Fit into the Picture?”, Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Feb. 7, 1964.
P a g e | 5
between the university and the Dayton community seemed to be one of pride and
cooperation, according to the local newspaper.
13
The editorial staff of Flyer News
positioned the student newspaper in the mainstream of what historians describe as the
liberal consensus of post-war political opinion. The views of the liberal consensus
encompassed a widespread acceptance of New Deal programs and goals as well as a
commitment to combat Communism abroad.
14
For example, columnist Michael Kennedy
wrote many of his columns on Communism, warning against extremism on both sides
and against the spread of Communism in Latin America.
Outside of their anti-Communist sentiments, however, the campus newspaper
reflected a largely apolitical culture. One particular issue that demonstrated this was the
Flyer News coverage of a controversy over an organization called the National Student
Association (NSA), “a nationwide organization of college students seeking to provide
common ground for the exchange of ideas of collegiate, national, and international
interests.”
15
The Student Council considered joining the organization. The call to join
NSA struck many as very political, an argument which Flyer News treated with a great
deal of seriousness. One letter to the editor had pointed out that NSA had actually called
for the abolishing of the House of Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC).
16
In
November of 1962, Student Council had voted in favor to join NSA. Nearly 1,300
students signed a petition calling to put the issue to a student referendum.
17
In April, the
student body, in the words of Flyer News, “buried” the Council’s plan to join NSA by
voting overwhelmingly to reject the proposal.
18
University of Dayton students in the early 1960s may have wanted to stay out of
politics, but that would not last long. In the latter part of the decade, students became
more activist and began to question different aspects of their education on campus.
Consequently, students of the later 1960s were much more political. The Heresy Affair of
1966-67 was perhaps the first sign of this shift. It involved four philosophy professors
13
Roberta Shallenberger, “Comparative Press Coverage of the University of Dayton,” (master’s thesis,
University of Dayton, 1970), 2-3.
14
Godfrey Hodgson, America in Our Time: From World War II to Nixon, (Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 1976).
15
Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Sept. 14, 1962.
16
Joe Doll, letter to the editor, Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Oct. 26, 1962.
17
Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Nov. 2, 1962.
18
“NSA Buried in 7-1 Vote; University Party Sweeps,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), April 26, 1963.
P a g e | 6
who were accused by another philosophy professor of presenting material “heretical” to
Catholic doctrine. This controversy revolved around the shift in the University of Dayton
away from its older religious focus to one more accepting of the secular pursuit of
knowledge. Central to the question was the freedom to choose what to teach and what
classes to take without fear of censorship or compulsion.
In the coming years, the idea of academic freedom influenced University of
Dayton students to question the rigid requirements of the school’s curriculum. Students
began to protest against a mandatory requirement of two years of ROTC for all males. In
time, more students saw participation in the program as complicity in the Vietnam War,
which they rejected in growing numbers. If they had the freedom in learning about what
philosophies they wished, why should they not also have the freedom to decide whether
to take ROTC classes?
In the later 1960s, campus protests became less about a single point than a
complex set of interconnected issues.
19
The sit-in at St. Mary’s in 1970 exemplified this
trend. It was conducted to gain personal and social freedoms for students. The previous
two events had encouraged students to demand more personal autonomy. They asked for
the right to access to birth control information on campus, a lifting of curfews, open
hours in dormitories, and a student-run radio station. In time, most of the students’
demands would be fulfilled by the administration.
In focusing on these three events, this thesis will examine not only the underlying
issues and trends that influenced the protests and controversies, but it will also examine
how these events were reflected in Flyer News and Dayton Daily News. This examination
will be based on both on how the reporters framed their stories, and the issues and the
protests themselves as well. It will also be based on how the students and Dayton
residents reacted in columns, editorials, and letters to the editor printed in the pages of the
two newspapers.
19
Armstrong, “Telling Their Own Story,” 13.
P a g e | 7
Chapter 1: The Heresy Affair
Introduction
In October 15, 1966, assistant professor of philosophy Dennis Bonnette sent Karl
Alter, Archbishop of Cincinnati, a letter, warning him of an impending “crisis of faith” at
the University of Dayton. He asserted that fellow philosophy professors were presenting
views that went against the teaching of the Catholic Church. To Bonnette, the matter was
urgent because of the “harm to souls” that occurred daily in the classroom, so urgent that
Bonnette seemed ready to resign publicly.
1
This letter set off what became known as The
Heresy Affair or Heresy Scandal. After receiving the letter, Archbishop Alter later called
Fr. Raymond Roesch, president of the university, and asked him to investigate the matter.
Events that contributed to an ongoing transition of the University of Dayton were
beginning to take place. The events helped accelerate the school’s evolution in the
coming years from a small, parochial college to an institution that mirrored the secular,
research-based institutions of the nation.
As Bonnette’s letter to Archbishop Alter reveals, this shift in the University of
Dayton did not take place without controversy. Indeed, the change taking place at the
university during the 1960s produced tensions surrounding its Catholic identity and with
the local community’s perception of the institution. In the letters to the editor of the
Dayton Daily News, a number of Dayton community residents complained about the
“damage” that was being done to the students at the university. Some were not happy
with what was being taught at the university. These tensions between the university and
the community had been building up for many years.
American Catholics in the Postwar Era
The reactions typified by the events of what has become known as the “Heresy
Affair”, that will be detailed here, were driven, in part, by the importance of religious
identity to the American Catholic community. Throughout the previous century,
American Catholics maintained a distinct religious identity through involvement in
1
Mary Jude Brown, “Souls in the Balance: The ‘Heresy Affair’ At the University of Dayton, 1960-67”
(doctoral dissertation, University of Dayton, 2003), 19-22.
P a g e | 8
parish, diocesan, and professional Catholic organizations and associations. The
continuation of Catholic institutional separatism was necessary due to the prejudice
against the community.
American Catholics were a minority compared to the number of Protestants
residing in the country. Consequently, Catholics faced persecution at the hands of
Protestants and had to unite and function as a sect to fight back against this persecution.
Catholic immigration accelerated in the 1800s and this “minority” began to grow. With
the surge of Irish Catholics in the 1840s, an “immigrant Church” identity emerged that
emphasized a collective Catholic experience as one group to keep the faith and protect
themselves from Protestant America. Schooling played an important role because
Protestants ran the public-school system. To counter this, Catholics created their own
school system.
2
At the beginning of the 20th Century, some country clubs still banned Catholics
and the Vatican still did not have an American ambassador. In the 1920s, a local Dayton
chapter of the Ku Klux Klan terrorized the University of Dayton campus with multiple
bombing threats and cross burning rallies.
3
These sorts of conflicts were not unusual in
the United States and they brought about the tensions that often revolved around a
Catholic identity and an American identity. To counter this, American Catholics
compartmentalized the religious sphere and the modern, secular sphere.
4
This compartmentalization of the religious and secular spheres led to a monolithic
unity within American Catholicism, known as the “One True Church.” According to
Kristine LaLonde, the American Catholic identity entailed a certain insularity that limited
interaction with the outside world. Additionally, LaLonde argues that their theology and
their society discouraged interaction with people of other faiths. The strongest
characteristic of this culture was its emphasis on authority and obedience. The hierarchy
of the Church both worked to enforce its rules and generated its own expectations and
order. The greatest strength of this authority grew from people’s belief in and assent to it.
2
José Casanova, “Roman and Catholic and American: The Transformation of Catholicism in the United
States,International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society 6, no. 1 (1992): 82-84, accessed February 4,
2020, https://www.jstor.org/stable/20007073.
3
William Vance Trollinger, Jr., “Hearing the Silence: The University of Dayton, the Ku Klux Klan, and
Catholic Universities and Colleges in the 1920s,” American Catholic Studies 124, no. 1 (2013): 9-10,
accessed April 18, 2020, https://www.jstor.org/stable/44195455.
4
Casanova, “Roman and Catholic and American,” 102.
P a g e | 9
The Church had no legal or civil punishment as a method for enforcement; it depended
on people believing in it.
5
By 1965, however, American Catholics comprised a higher percentage of people
in both the upper and middle classes than American Protestants. This allowed for
thorough assimilation and Americanization in the Catholic population.
6
As American
Catholics benefitted from the country’s economic prosperity, they contributed to the
Baby Boom and moved to the growing suburbs.
7
Adult Catholics and their children in the
suburban parishes across the country began shedding their distinctive ethnic traits and
blended in with their secular and non-Catholic neighbors. They began to live in single-
family units away from their ethnic heritage, purchased cars from the suburbs to work,
and saved to send their children to college.
The changes that had brought about this greater integration of Catholics into the
mainstream of American society had taken place gradually. Events following the end of
World War II appeared to accelerate this trend. As a result of the GI Bill, Catholic college
enrollment in the United States increased 164% between 1940 and 1960.
8
But here there
were countervailing effects buried inside the assimilation trends. Since Catholics had
separate schools, this meant Catholic college attendance increased substantially during
this time period. Dennis Bonnette, the author of the letter to Archbishop Alter, is an
example of someone who was steeped in Catholic school education. He graduated from
the University of Detroit in 1960 and received his master’s and his doctoral degree from
the University of Notre Dame in 1962. Before he came to Dayton, Bonnette taught at the
University of San Diego and at Loyola University in New Orleans, both Catholic
universities. In short, Bonnette had a Catholic background and had a long history of
Catholic education that, for some, reinforced the traditions of insularity.
Bonnette’s thinking appears to have been influenced by another factor. As we
have seen, Bonnette’s education had taken place at a time when American Catholics were
5
Kristine LaLonde, “Transformations of Authority: Reform, Rebellion, and Resistance in the Catholic
Church of the 1960s” (doctoral dissertation, University of Virginia, 2000), 47-48.
6
Norval D. Green and Ruth Hyland, “Religious Preference and Worldly Success: Some Evidence from
National Surveys,” American Sociological Review 32, no. 1 (1967): 75-78, accessed March 9, 2020,
https://www.jstor.org/stable/2091720.
7
Helen Marie Ciernick, “Student Life on Catholic-College Campuses in the San Francisco Bay Area during
the 1960s” (doctoral dissertation, The Catholic University of America, 2003), 19.
8
Ciernick, “Student Life,” 22.
P a g e | 10
experiencing greater opportunities to integrate into the mainstream inside the U.S.
However, this integration involved shared elements of reactionary thought that reinforced
insularity. The anti-communist crusade of the postwar era spurred a stronger alliance
between Rome and America.
9
Simultaneously, however, the merging of Americanism and Catholicism
contributed to the fading insularity. Young Catholics religious attitudes were ripe for
change. Catholics were attending college at higher rates than before and, as a
consequence, were exposed to different cultural influences. If the fusion of Americanism
and Catholicism could be said to have culminated in 1960 with the ascendancy of John F.
Kennedy, an Irish Catholic, as president of the United States, then so too could the
evolution of a progressive-centered Catholic movement. Younger religious professionals
were the first to be moved by changes within the Church itself.
10
Fr. Roesch, President of
the University of Dayton, was part of both of these groups. He was under 50 years old
when he first began his presidency and, as a Marianist priest, he was one of the first
people to feel the changes that would come to Catholicism in the 1960s. While many
Catholics of the old order wanted to remain to how the Catholic Church had operated for
many decades, Fr. Roesch was more sympathetic to the changes that came to the Catholic
Church and he would help usher in those changes to the University of Dayton.
Second Vatican Council
These elements formed the backdrop of the coming crisis of the Heresy Affair at
the University of Dayton. The events were also shaped by broader developments taking
place in the Catholic Church. The Heresy Affair was one of the results of the Second
Vatican Council. Some American Catholics favored Pope John XXIII, head of the
Catholic Church, and his efforts to bring the Church into closer alignment with the
modern world while other American Catholics preferred to retain the community’s more
insular identity. Both groups looked to the pope in the Rome as the ultimate authority on
spiritual issues.
11
Pope John would call for a universal ecumenical council that would be
called the Second Vatican Council. It marked a historic effort for Catholicism because the
9
Casanova, “Roman and Catholic and American”, 104-106.
10
Phillip Gleason, “Catholicism and Cultural Change in the 1960s”, Review of Politics 34, no. 4 (1972), 99-
100, accessed April 25, 2020, https://www.jstor.org/stable/1405957.
11
Gleason, “Catholicism and Cultural Change,” 93.
P a g e | 11
council was to bring the Church to a new understanding of itself and of its relation to, and
responsibilities to, other Christian churches, non-Christian believers, and the whole
modern secular world.
12
The Second Vatican Council was intended to shape how the
Church would respond to the growth of secularism, technological changes, and the rise of
political democracy.
13
Ecumenical councils gathered together all the world’s bishops to deliberate on
issues of concern to the Church. Historically, they mostly took place when there was a
serious threat to the faith. With all of the changes taking place in the world during the
first half of the 20
th
Century, many in the Church hierarchy saw the Church as needing to
better respond to and interact with the larger world.
14
Gaudium et Spes, one of the official
documents of the Council, states that, “The council yearns to explain to everyone how it
conceives the presence and activity of the Church in the world of today.”
15
One of the
conclusions of the Council was that private faith could no longer leave public, secular
matters alone nor could spiritual truths be immune to freedom of inquiry.
16
In Dayton, the importance of this event was not lost on either the city’s largest
newspaper, Dayton Daily News, or the University of Dayton student newspaper, Flyer
News. As a newspaper of a Catholic institution, Flyer News covered Vatican II
extensively. Before the Council started, it reported on multiple talks by religious
professionals on what could develop from the Council. Its coverage continued through
the subsequent developments of the Council. At the same time, Dayton Daily News, the
secular newspaper, was covering each of the developments that came out of the Council.
This secular newspaper also knew how important Vatican II was going to be in regards to
the Catholic Church’s new place in the modern world.
In the U.S., several of the injunctions of Vatican II directly impacted the ongoing
tensions between the more insular Catholics and the more cosmopolitan Catholics.
12
Gleason, “Catholicism and Cultural Change,” 94.
13
C.J.T Talar, “The Crucible of Change: Andrew Greeley as Sociologist of American Catholicism,” U.S.
Catholic Historian 20, no. 2 (2002): 15, accessed February 5, 2020, https://www.jstor.org/stable/25154802.
14
LaLonde, “Transformations of Authority,” 115-116.
15
Second Vatican Council, “Pastoral Constitution on the Church in the Modern World, Gaudium et Spes,
December 7, 1965,accessed March 17, 2020,
http://www.vatican.va/archive/hist_councils/ii_vatican_council/documents/vat-
ii_cons_19651207_gaudium-et-spes_en.html.
16
Casanova, “Roman and Catholic and American,” 106.
P a g e | 12
According to LaLonde, the Council moved the Church’s position away from a monolithic
and insular approach to religious truth to one that included respect and openness for other
faiths. They acknowledged that truths existed in other faiths and encouraged Catholics to
work with people of other religions.
17
Furthermore, the Council Fathers advocated
dialogue between competent experts from different churches and communities and
encouraged cooperation in social matters.
18
Not only did the Council Fathers encourage
dialogue with Protestants, but they also greatly emphasized a renewed engagement with
the order and concerns of the modern, secular world. They stressed the need for everyone
in the Church, both hierarchy and laity, to concern themselves with the establishing a just
and peaceful world. All of these conclusions from the council marked a dramatic shift
from insularity and restriction to a position of cooperation and openness.
19
As the events of the Heresy Affair would soon indicate, one place the impact of
Vatican II was most directly evident was in the Catholic institution of higher education,
specifically with regards to Thomism, or Neo-Scholasticism, the official philosophy of
the Catholic Church. Beginning in the mid-1920s, Thomism was the crucial element in
integrating Catholic higher education.
20
At the beginning of the 1950s, it proved to be the
glue holding together the Catholic academic community in the United States. The laity
turned to Thomism in their debates with anti-Catholics in order to support their case for
intellectual viability of Catholicism.
21
According to Helen Ciernick, the authoritarianism
and rigidity of the American Catholic culture also enforced Thomism as the one true
philosophy, hindering the development of intellectualism.
22
Ciernick argues that this
Catholic “mental ghetto” left Catholic-college students behind their secular counterparts
in building intellectual values but, in the 1960s, Thomism gradually collapsed.
23
Whether
Ciernick’s depiction of Thomism was accurate, or a fair assessment of its impact on the
Catholic community, the conservatism of the Thomist position impacted the events
surrounding the Heresy Affair in Dayton. Bonnette espoused Thomistic values and saw it
17
LaLonde, “Transformations of Authority,” 138.
18
LaLonde, “Transformations of Authority,” 140.
19
LaLonde, “Transformations of Authority,” 144-145.
20
Brown, “Souls in the Balance,” 17.
21
Ciernick, “Student Life,” 25.
22
Ciernick, “Student Life,” 35.
23
Ciernick, “Student Life,” 50.
P a g e | 13
as the one true philosophy for Catholics. Growing up in this unified, monolithic, and
insular American Catholic culture, it can be seen that he was not fond of the changes
occurring around him and responded to those changes with an appeal to the authority of
the Church.
The erosion of Thomism’s hold over American Catholics in the 1960s went hand
in hand with the broadening of American Catholicism. These changes precipitated
questions about paternalism, participation of the laity in Church matters, and, most
importantly for the Heresy Affair, academic freedom at Catholic institutions.
24
The
general definition of academic freedom is the freedom of an individual to express critical
ideas without the threat of formal or informal punishment.
25
At the University of Dayton
and elsewhere, younger and more secular professors attempted to teach other
philosophies besides Thomism. The issue of academic freedom came to the forefront of a
controversy that would transform the University of Dayton and set it on a new path of
education.
Heresy Affair
In the early 1960s, there was evidence of dissatisfaction with Thomism at the
University of Dayton. In the philosophy department, the tensions between traditional
Thomists and modern philosophers, who taught modern, secular philosophical beliefs
such as existentialism, were starting to become more apparent. At the University of
Dayton, modern philosophers such as Eulalio Baltazar taught that Thomism was outdated
and that “not all truth is contained in our philosophy and theology.” To Baltazar,
“Thomism having all the answers” is an incorrect way to think.
26
This position was
considered unacceptable by Thomists who held that Thomism was to be the one true
philosophy, mandated by the “one true Church.” These two opposing viewpoints created
the foundation of the conflict between Thomists and non-Thomists that exploded in the
events of the Heresy Affair.
The intensity of the coming debate was fueled by beliefs that, for some, defense
of Thomism amounted to a defense of Catholic identity itself. For others, the rejection of
24
Ciernick, “Student Life,” 36.
25
Brown, “Souls in the Balance,” 214.
26
Steve Bickham, “Is Thomism Enough for Us?”, Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Sept. 27, 1963.
P a g e | 14
Thomism made space for a more progressive interpretation of Catholic identity. Tensions
between Thomists and modern philosophers also arose because Thomistic courses served
an apologetic function by providing a rationale for the Catholic faith. Thomists argued
that students should know Thomism well before learning other philosophies which could
threaten their faith.
27
On the other hand, the non-Thomists saw the purpose of their
courses to be the encouragement of a search for truth, not just one ultimate truth. In the
early 1960s, students at the University of Dayton responded positively to the new ideas
and new approaches espoused by the non-Thomists.
28
This, along with increased
criticisms of Thomism by professors like Baltazar, likely made Bonnette and other
Thomists feel attacked. For them, these developments were an assault on faith. The
Thomists’ hostility and determination to fight to uphold their Catholic faith was all too
evident in Bonnette’s letter.
29
The conflict at the University of Dayton had begun to grow when the newly
appointed Fr. Roesch began hiring younger and more research-based faculty. An alumnus
of the University of Dayton and a Marianist priest, Fr. Roesch received a master’s degree
in psychology at the Catholic University of America as well as Ph.D. in Philosophy from
Fordham University. Afterwards, he returned to the University of Dayton as a psychology
professor and later became the chair of his department.
30
His background in the social
sciences meant he understood the idea of academic freedom, and, as a result, he hired
more non-Thomist professors for the philosophy department. The first non-Thomist
philosopher, John Chrisman, was hired in 1961, followed by Baltazar in 1962. Not long
after, in spring 1963, the tensions between the Thomists and non-Thomists escalated
when Baltazar and Chrisman began to criticize Thomism in their presentations. By 1964
and 1965, the situation had become so polarized that job candidates were immediately
asked, “which side are you on?”
31
Students had begun to debate the central question animating the conflict years
before the actual Heresy Affair occurred. As far back as March 1963, Flyer News, the
27
Brown, “Souls in the Balance,” 65.
28
Brown, “Souls in the Balance,” 70.
29
Brown, “Souls in the Balance,” 89.
30
“University of Dayton: Presidents,” Libraries Research Guides, accessed 17 March 2020
http://libguides.udayton.edu/c.php?g=15315&p=82747#s-lg-box-wrapper-277608.
31
Brown, “Souls in the Balance,” 17-18.
P a g e | 15
student newspaper, had a small article on existentialism being discussed after a
Philosophy Club meeting and contained a quote from John Chrisman.
32
Along with
covering the issues long before the scandal, Flyer News also tracked the students’
feelings towards the gradual changes in intellectual matters. Later, in September, an
article featured Baltazar and a lecture that described Thomism as outdated. The response
by students “varied from straight out praise to definite displeasure.”
33
Like the faculty
itself, the students in 1963 were torn between older and newer ways of thinking. Many
students thought that teaching other philosophies besides Thomism developed students
intellectually. According to one student, Steve Bickham, students had “the right to
investigate any system of philosophy.”
34
In the words of Ed Esch, a Flyer News
columnist, “Nor may we say that because we attend a Catholic school, we should follow
Thomism blindly.”
35
Demand for the study of other philosophical systems was so great in
September 1964 that the Education Committee of the Union Activities Organization
offered a philosophy course to “students interested in extending their knowledge of this
subject beyond the realms of the standard course of UD.”
36
After a brief hiatus, debate
over the issue returned in spring 1965 when students began to call for teaching modern
philosophies. According to one editorial in Flyer News, some students felt that their
knowledge in philosophy was lacking compared to those from secular universities. But
other students defended Thomism. It is the foundation of philosophical thought and
because, said Ray Makkos, “this philosophy directs us reasonably to God.
37
In April 1966, it became evident that the student demand for non-Thomist classes
was gaining traction. Dr. Edward Harkenrider, chairman of the Philosophy Department,
announced that the courses for his department were now going to be more pluralistic. To
undertake such a task, the professors were going to have more autonomy in what material
32
“Existentialism Discussed After Meeting,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), March 22, 1963.
33
Steve Bickham, “Is Thomism Enough for Us?”, Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Sept. 27, 1963.
34
Steve Bickham, “In All Seriousness,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), March 13, 1964.
35
Ed Esch, “A Real Issue,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Dec. 6, 1963.
36
“Education Committee Offers Philosophy Course to Students,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Sept. 11,
1964.
37
Letters to the Editor, Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Feb. 26, 1965.
P a g e | 16
and what readings were given in their classes.
38
It was at this stage that Dennis Bonnette
wrote his letter to Alter.
On October 15, 1966, the letter elevated the controversy from a campus conflict
to a wider issue concerning Church teachings and education. The event that triggered this
letter was a Philosophy Club presentation on October 11 by Professors Lawrence Ulrich
and Randolph Lumpp on situation ethics.
39
Situations ethics states that each man is
individual and unique and cannot be ruled by a system of “material norms of a universal
kind. Rather, individual acts should be judged according to the situation and context.
40
The Catholic Church was concerned with situation ethics. Pope Pius XII supported a
view of universal norms and, thus, opposed situation ethics.
41
Bonnette was outraged by the presentation on situation ethics. In the letter,
Bonnette not only mentioned the lecture by Lumpp and Ulrich, but also another
presentation on situation ethics by Baltazar and Chrisman in the spring. To Bonnette,
these were not isolated incidents, but rather “the influence of these erroneous teachings”
of situation ethics and modern philosophies “virtually permeates the university.”
Bonnette asked the archbishop to send a representative to Dayton “for the purpose of
conducting a comprehensive investigation of the grave spiritual harm” that he claimed
was occurring. He also noted that some professors, including him, might resign in protest
of the administration’s “failure to fulfill its moral duty.”
Also, in his letter, Bonnette claimed that, at the situation ethics talk in the spring,
Chrisman had endorsed abortion and birth control.
42
Bonnette opposed abortion and birth
control. The Church opposed the former, but, at the time, there appeared to be shifting
views on the latter. In the past, the Church had lobbied against specific government
actions and programs that supported either abortion or family planning by the use of
contraceptives. Archdiocesan announcements and sermons worked to stem the growth of
public support for birth control programs. The long-time doctrinal position of the Church
38
“Phil. Dept Revamps Courses,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), April 15, 1966.
39
Jim Wade, letter to the editor, Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Oct. 28, 1965.
40
Karl Rahner, Theological Investigations. Volume II: Man in the Church, trans. by Karl-H.
Kruger (Baltimore, MD: Helicon Press, 1963), 217.
41
Brown, “Souls in the Balance,” 99.
42
Brown, “Souls in the Balance,” 20-22.
P a g e | 17
had resulted in widespread cultural expectations within the U.S. among Catholics that
families should be large.
43
In 1967, however, Pope John had appointed a Papal Commission on Birth Control
and issued a majority opinion recommending a softening of the Church’s prohibition on
birth control. The recommendation would not be heeded as the Church remained opposed
to contraception.
44
Despite this, by then, many Catholics had changed their minds on the
issue as a 1967 Harris Poll revealed 73% of Catholics wanted access to birth control.
45
The Philosophy Club had also begun to debate about contraception and it was there that
Baltazar gave his view on the matter.
Archbishop Alter asked Roesch to look into the matter. Roesch called a meeting
of those involved, including Bonnette and the four accused professors (Baltazar,
Chrisman, Lumpp, and Ulrich). Bonnette was asked to prepare a statement detailing his
charges and the accused were given an opportunity to present their case. Bonnette’s
statement specified each instance in which the accused defied Church doctrine. The
accused faculty’s response asserted that this was a transitional time in the Church and
claimed that their views were “within the bounds of current Catholic speculation.”
46
On
November 28, 1966, a little over a month after Bonnette sent his letter, the accused
professors were declared innocent of teaching and advocating doctrines contrary to
Church doctrine. Alter accepted the decision.
47
The Flyer News began to cover the events as soon as Bonnette sent his letter. The
initial reports and editorials placed the events in the context of the larger fight between
the Thomists and non-Thomists. Flyer News recognized that this fight had been occurring
years before the Heresy Affair took place. In October 1966, an editorial called the
conflict “that old problem” and stated that “questions of what should and should not be
taught” in philosophy courses had been “tossed around for many years.”
48
Later, in
November, a Flyer News article further advanced this and brought up that many columns
43
LaLonde, “Transformations of Authority,” 202-203.
44
LaLonde, “Transformations of Authority,” 258.
45
LaLonde, “Transformations of Authority,” 262.
46
Brown, “Souls in the Balance,” 22-25.
47
“Four University of Dayton Professors Declared Innocent,” 1966, News Releases 3080, accessed March
18, 2020, https://ecommons.udayton.edu/news_rls/3080.
48
Editorial, Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Oct. 28, 1966.
P a g e | 18
in the 1964-65 academic year had debated the issue.
49
Now, the debate also took a
satirical turn. One of the columnists for Flyer News, Harry Rodersheimer, gave an “un-
award” to Dr. Bonnette that was called the “Joan of Arc Award for a) Purity, b)
Martyrdom, c) Dogmistic Ideals and d) Naivety.”
50
As one can see, humor was still
present among Flyer News writers even in controversial topics.
Coverage of the Heresy Affair extended beyond just Dayton’s campus. Publicity
about the dispute was far-reaching and included articles in the New York Times, the
National Catholic Reporter, and the local secular and Catholic newspapers and
periodicals in the Midwest. According to Mary Brown, the secular press typically
referred to the controversy as an internal religious dispute and reported the events as they
happened. Three secular publications (Wall Street Journal, U.S. News and World Report,
and New York Times Magazine) included the Heresy Affair in larger studies on changes
in Catholic higher education.
51
The Dayton Daily News covered the scandal as it unfolded and obtained quotes
from affected parties. It ran a small article in December 1966 that explained the emerging
conflict over the debate of situation ethics. Another article in January 1967 declared
Baltazar’s views the embodiment of the spirt of Vatican II. This may have been an
attempt by Dayton Daily News to give the reformers some sort of religious approval
through Vatican II. If so, as a major supporter of the University of Dayton, it can be
inferred that Dayton Daily News was trying to minimize any conflict between the
students and the administration. Confirming this, the Dayton Daily News supported
Roesch’s actions in handling the scandal. An earlier editorial had praised Roesch for
forging a “bold new policy” and suggested that the Dayton community should learn from
the university to “develop competence in the art of disagreement.”
52
With the Dayton Daily News seemingly against them, on December 6, Bonnette
and eight of his supporters went on Phil Donahue’s local radio program called
“Conversation Piece. Donahue, of course, would go on to become a major innovator in
daytime talk show television. Before television, however, Donahue had a radio show.
49
Aggie Taormina, “Phil. Debate Not New to UD,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Nov. 11, 1966.
50
Harry Rodersheimer, “Un-Awards III,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Nov. 18, 1966.
51
Brown, “Souls in the Balance,” 33.
52
Editorial, Dayton Daily News (Dayton, OH), Dec. 6, 1966.
P a g e | 19
Donahue was himself a staunch Catholic. He had attended the University of Notre Dame.
However, like the key figures here, in 1967, he was questioning his beliefs.
53
Nevertheless, Donahue released a statement from a fellow staunch Catholic, Dr. Bonnette
titled “The Declaration of Conscience on the Doctrinal Crisis at the University of
Dayton.The statement called the administration’s investigation a “classic whitewash”
and called into question the lack of witnesses in the investigation.
54
According to the
university, the accused never denied Bonnette’s statements and, as a result, there was no
need to call witnesses. The university’s response went on to say that all that was
necessary was to understand the context of their actions.
55
Afterwards, the faculty forum
voted to approve Roesch’s handling of the matter and to censure the eight faculty
members and force them to rescind the charges.
56
The scandal was still not over, though. A number of local Catholic pastors wrote
to Roesch and Alter expressing dissatisfaction with the university’s findings and with the
religious climate there in general. As a result, Alter formed a fact-finding commission.
57
Alter’s actions triggered a student response. The Student Council issued a resolution
denouncing the fact-finding commission and upheld academic freedom. A month later,
the commission reported that they had indeed found that there had been specified
occasions of teaching contrary to Catholic doctrine. Nevertheless, the commission made
no suggestions of dismissals of involved faculty.
58
The Heresy Affair was finally over.
The Catholic University and Academic Freedom
The Heresy Affair represented a growing strain on the University of Dayton
campus between its identity as a Catholic college and its emerging reality as a secular
university. That controversy had clearly spilled out into the community. The newspapers,
both student and professional, played a crucial role in reflecting this growing strain.
53
Phil Donahue, My Own Story: Donahue (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1979), 56.
54
Aggie Taormina, “Whitewash Charge Levelled After Philosophy Investigation,” Flyer News (Dayton,
OH), Dec. 9, 1966.
55
Brown, “Souls in the Balance,” 27-28.
56
Aggie Taormina, “Faculty Forum Censure Eight Philosophy Professors,Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Dec.
16, 1966.
57
Aggie Taormina, “Archbishop’s New Committee to Investigate Controversy,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH),
Jan. 13, 1967.
58
Aggie Taormina, “Archbishop’s Board Finds Some Basis for Charges,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Feb.
17, 1967.
P a g e | 20
Before the Heresy Affair, many people viewed a Catholic university just as Bonnette did.
It represented a Catholic perspective, but it also supported a vision of America. If the
Catholic morals were diminished, then Communists would be able to take over America,
it was argued.
59
Opponents of change believed it was the role of Catholic universities to
train professionals to work within the Church or to do the work of the Church within the
world.
60
Furthermore, some students worried about how the diminishing importance of
Thomism would consequently diminish the importance of a Catholic university. As one
wrote in Flyer News, “Catholic education must have a standard of values. If it doesn’t,
what distinguishes it from a secular university?”
61
In 1964, Roesch held similar views. He believed all faculty have a role to play
passing on Catholic morals to students. In the midst of the Heresy Affair, however,
Roesch also showed that he believed the university’s goal was to encourage “genuine
intellectual inquiry and research” and the Catholic university was subject to all the
demands and risks of this free and open inquiry. The duty to hand down Catholic
doctrine, morals, and conduct was no longer the primary function of the Catholic
university.
62
The scandal reflected Roesch’s shifting view on the role of Catholic higher
education and it had changed other people’s minds as well.
This shift in Roesch’s beliefs represented a larger trend of American Catholic
higher education distancing itself from the Church to gain academic legitimacy amongst
secular universities. Many of these Catholic institutions began to endorse the concept of
academic freedom. When enrollment increased at Catholic universities in the postwar era,
the number of lay professors in Catholic institutions increased. Many of these lay
professors attained a graduate education at secular institutions and expected academic
freedom.
63
These were the non-Thomists that Roesch was hiring in the early 1960s.
It was not only Roesch who questioned the meaning of a Catholic university, but
students had begun to inquire about its meaning as well. After Alter formed his fact-
finding commission, Jack Boos of Flyer News was critical of the Church’s “interference”
at the university as he questioned “who really runs UD.” He even suggested that UD
59
Brown, “Souls in the Balance,” 179-180.
60
Brown, “Souls in the Balance,” 207.
61
Robert Baumgartner, “A Real Issue”, Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Nov. 22, 1963.
62
Brown, “Souls in the Balance,” 188.
63
Brown, “Souls in the Balance,” 220.
P a g e | 21
should “sever all ties with the Catholic Church and go the non-sectarian route.”
64
Flyer
News ran an article that asked the question of why to attend a Catholic university and
some students answered they wanted a religious-based education while others answered
they wanted a more secular education.
65
While many students were beginning to want a more secular education, a number
of residents disagreed with them in the letters to the editor in the Dayton Daily News.
One letter criticizes Roesch for damaging the souls of the students and praises Bonnette
for “fighting for what he believes is right.”
66
Another letter brings about charges that
Baltazar has advocated Communist teachings. Still another declared “too much academic
freedom can send your soul to hell.”
67
More letters seem to be in favor with Bonnette and
his supporters. Many of the “old guard” who grew up in the time when Catholic culture
was more insular and then tightly bound to the reactionary politics of anti-Communist
Americans did not want the modern philosophies to be taught at the university.
What is evident from examining the Dayton Daily News coverage of these events
is that the newspaper sought to normalize the debate and thereby minimize polarization.
To this end, besides its own coverage, it published letters by Dayton residents who
approved of the university teaching other viewpoints. Residents demanded that other
philosophies and viewpoints be taught at the University of Dayton. They depicted efforts
to stop it as amounting to censorship. Another letter approved of the fact that the “old
guard” had failed to prevent changes. The author encouraged the “old guard” to see that
“the old views are not only the good views” and encouraged the search for truth.
68
It appears that despite the residents found issue with either the “heretical”
professors or Fr. Roesch, the embattled university president believed he saw a major new
trend about Catholic higher education emphasizing secularism and academic freedom
education. His shift culminated in a speech he gave to the entire faculty on March 1, 1967
in a packed Boll Theater. He stated that he hoped to promote newer understandings of the
role of the Church on campus advocated by leading authorities of Vatican II.
69
This new
64
Jack Boos, “Who Runs UD?”, Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Jan. 20, 1967.
65
Paul Siegmund, “Why Attend Cath. Univ.?”, Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Jan. 27, 1967.
66
Bert J. Hosfeld, letter to the editor, Dayton Daily News (Dayton, OH), Dec. 10, 1966.
67
Jack E. Focke, letter to the editor, Dayton Daily News (Dayton, OH), Feb. 7, 1967.
68
Suzanne Smith, letter to the editor, Dayton Daily News (Dayton, OH), Feb. 19, 1967.
69
Brown, “Souls in the Balance,” 290.
P a g e | 22
understanding was that the Church needs a new approach towards the modern world. As
such, Roesch believed genuine academic freedom must flourish on campus and, thus, the
four accused professors are free to teach as they see fit as long as they stay in the area of
their expertise and give respect to the Magisterium.
70
Roesch’s speech was greeted with a rousing standing ovation. The student
newspaper editorial staff embraced Roesch’s statement and embraced the ideals he had
espoused in the speech. For its part, the Dayton Daily News felt that the events had
enhanced the University of Dayton’s stature as a more secular and more progressive
educational institution. There was a debate over details, but editorials in Dayton Daily
News lauded the university for sharing the spirit of Vatican II and for getting rid of the
conservatism of the 1950s, and that a spirit of inquiry was necessary in the modern
world.
71
In the furtherance of these stated goals, Roesch had set up an ad hoc committee of
faculty to conduct an open discussion directed toward establishing directives for allowing
academic freedom on campus. A month after his speech, the committee began their work
and completed their report later in July. In the report, they concluded the University of
Dayton should investigate, probe, and search for truth and the mystery of life. The
university’s chief interest, it seemed, should be perfecting the world in a secular way.
72
Conclusion
After the Heresy Affair, Dr. Dennis Bonnette left the University of Dayton and
taught at Niagara University for four decades. His departure as well as the departures of
his supporters marked a shift for the University of Dayton from an emphasis on religious
to academic, secular activities.
73
Bonnette represented the group of Catholics who
believed Catholic higher education should be distinctly religious in the material it teaches
and in the views it represents. To Bonnette, the Catholic university was meant to be
merely an extension of the Catholic Church.
But, in the 1960s, Bonnette’s views were increasingly in the minority on
campuses. Following the Second Vatican Council, Catholic universities sought to become
70
Aggie Taormina, “Fr. Roesch Reveals Stand on Philosophy Controversy,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH),
March 3, 1967.
71
Editorial, Dayton Daily News (Dayton, OH), March 12, 1967.
72
Brown, “Souls in the Balance,” 304-307.
73
Brown, “Souls in the Balance,” 212.
P a g e | 23
more like their secular counterparts and include more graduate work, leading to more
research and thought-provoking ideas.
74
It was in this atmosphere that the faculty and
students supported the teaching of modern philosophies.
Newspaper coverage of this fight played a major role in determining the results. It
was in the student newspaper that the new ideas gained traction and spread. The Dayton
Daily News played an equally important role. It helped normalize the debate taking place
on campus to a wider audience in Dayton itself. The newspapers’ judicious decision not
to inflame the debate modulated the more conservative public reaction.
The Heresy Affair can be summarized as an inevitable clash between two groups
of Catholics. Those who grew up with the old pre-Vatican II Church such as Bonnette
were guarded against the outside world and held to Thomism steadfastly as a defense to
non-Catholics. When changes in Catholic higher education and in philosophy occurred
after the Second Vatican Council, other Catholics began to embrace new views.
74
Brown, “Souls in the Balance,” 322.
P a g e | 24
Chp. 2 ROTC Protests
Introduction
In March 1969, Fr. Roesch received the U.S. Army’s Distinguished Civilian
Service Award, the highest award the army can bestow on a civilian. The award is
presented to private citizens who have served the army in an advisory capacity and Fr.
Roesch fulfilled that service by being a representative of the National Catholic Education
Association to the Army Advisory Panel on ROTC Affairs. The citation stated he had
fervently expressed “his support of the ROTC Program not just at the University of
Dayton, but throughout the United States.”
1
During the first decade of his tenure as
President of the University of Dayton, ROTC grew to 2,500 cadets, making it the nation’s
second largest ROTC unit.
2
Yet, just a few months before Fr. Roesch received this award,
his university was embroiled in protests against the two-year mandatory ROTC
requirement for all males.
Students at the University of Dayton began to protest against their ROTC
programs as the Vietnam War escalated. College students nationwide began to see ROTC
programs as part of the Vietnam problem. At Dayton, the Heresy Affair had also played a
role in enlarging protests. Many students were now inspired by the call for academic
freedom to speak their minds regarding the war. In the wake of the Heresy Affair, some
students saw a contradiction in Fr. Roesch’s statements about academic freedom and the
requirements for ROTC training. If they were given the freedom to learn what they
wanted, were they not given the choice to do as they believed? Furthermore, students saw
a contradiction between Catholic teachings of peace and ROTC. How could a university,
sponsored by the Catholic Church and its views on peace, support in good conscience a
program that prepares men for war?
Vietnam and Its Early Support at the University of Dayton
From 1941 to 1973, Americans experienced lengthy periods of war. From 1941-
45, they had fought in the World War II. Later, the U.S. was involved in the Korean War,
1
“Army Presents Honor for Service to Fr. Roesch,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), March 7, 1969.
2
“Roesch Gets Army’s Top Civilian Medal,” Dayton Daily News (Dayton, OH), March 5, 1969.
P a g e | 25
and, now, Vietnam. Americans were initially patient with the buildup of Vietnam. The
first anti-war marches were not until 1965.
3
In fact, despite the popular images of the
anti-war movement, the war had extensive support from the American people during its
earlier stages. The majority of Americans trusted their government.
4
They believed that
the U.S. would only be in Vietnam if it was truly necessary. Most Americans, including
many Catholics, supported the war because they believed it was part of the fight against
the spread of Communism. This anti-Communist sentiment discouraged newspapers
editors from showing sympathy to leftist groups out of fear that an antiwar position
would equal support for the Vietnamese Communists.
5
Indeed, through the mid-20
th
Century, American Catholics proudly supported
American foreign policy in the fight against Communism as proof of their patriotism.
6
American Catholic support for the Vietnam War was evident at the University of Dayton.
In November 1962, three men that were originally from University of Dayton’s military
ROTC program returned to campus after tours in Vietnam. They described the situation
in Southeast Asia to Flyer News. “Citizens must take active part in our government to
maintain moral and physical strength to stop the spread of communism, one of them
said.
7
While not explicitly supporting foreign aid towards Vietnam, Flyer News columnist
Michael Kennedy made the claim that American foreign aid “is a bulwark for democracy
and against the spread of communism” and believed that this program should be
continued.
8
Following John Kennedy’s assassination, President Lyndon Johnson increased
military involvement in Vietnam. As the severity of the Vietnam War increased from
1965 to 1968, some younger Americans became uneasy. In 1965, the first protests against
the war took place at Columbia, Wisconsin-Madison, and Harvard as students took over
3
William Jeynes, American Educational History: School, Society, and the Common Good, (Thousand
Oaks: SAGE Publications, 2007), 309-311.
4
Roper Organization, Trends in Public Attitudes Towards Television and Other Mass Media, 1959-1974
(New York, Television Information Office, 1975), 12.
5
Todd Gitlin, The Whole World is Watching: Mass Media in the Making and Unmaking of the New Left
(Berkeley, University of California Press, 1980), 114.
6
Helen Marie Ciernick, “Student Life on Catholic-College Campuses in the San Francisco Bay Area during
the 1960s (doctoral dissertation, The Catholic University of America, 2003), 262.
7
“Three Men in UD’s Military Department Back from Vietnam,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Nov. 30,
1962.
8
Michael Kennedy, “Kennedy’s Korner: Foreign Aid,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Sept. 13, 1963.
P a g e | 26
university buildings.
9
Many Catholic-college students joined the anti-war movement
early and remained active for the entirety of the movement. Much of their involvement
was spurred by the developments coming out of the Second Vatican Council.
10
At Dayton, however, these students were in the minority. Support for Vietnam on
Dayton’s campus became more apparent during the early years of the Johnson
administration. Flyer News played a significant role in fostering support by reporting pro-
Vietnam student activities and opinions. The student newspaper ran a survey of the
student body’s opinions regarding Johnson’s air strikes on North Vietnam after the Pleiku
U.S. airbase was attacked by the Vietcong in February 1965. Most students believed the
action was justified.
11
Support for the Vietnam War was often justified by the need to
stop the spread of Communism. Later, in October, Student Council passed a resolution
supporting Johnson’s policies in Vietnam with no dissenting votes.
12
The Young
Democrats Club of the University of Dayton ran a poll of 2,300 students that revealed
76% of students supported Johnson’s policies in Vietnam. Subsequently, a group of
students sent a telegram to the White House to tell President Johnson of their support.
13
Dayton Daily News did its part in fostering the impression that the students at the
University of Dayton mainly supported the Vietnam War. Support for Vietnam was so
great on Dayton’s Campus, Dayton Daily News reported, that the Young Democrats and
Young Republicans united to hold a pro-Vietnam rally on December 7, 1965 in front of
Kennedy Union. They then marched through downtown Dayton, reported the Dayton
Daily News. About 800 students gathered for the rally and included both faculty and local
Daytonians.
In case there was any ambiguity of where the Dayton Daily News stood on the
matter, the march included both columnist and editor of the Dayton Daily News, Jim
Fain.
14
Fain’s presence at the pro-Vietnam rally represents a larger nationwide trend
among members of the press. The American media, including Dayton Daily News,
9
Jeynes, “American Educational History,” 312-313.
10
Ciernick, “Student Life,” 251-252.
11
Denny Grason, “Student View Viet Nam Crisis,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Feb. 12, 1965.
12
“Vietnam Policy Supported by SC,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Oct. 29, 1965.
13
“UD Students Back LBJ’s Policies,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Nov. 5, 1965.
14
UD Rally, March to Support U.S.,” Dayton Daily News (Dayton, OH), Dec. 7, 1965.
P a g e | 27
supported military involvement in Vietnam. There was little critique of U.S. policy in
Vietnam early in the conflict.
Despite the apparent overwhelming support for Vietnam on Dayton’s campus,
there were dissenters. The actions of the dissenters were rarely mentioned in the press
and, when it was, they were criticized heavily. In November 1965, student Chuck
Ricksecker wrote a letter to the editor of Flyer News in which he opposed the Vietnam
War. “I cannot morally uphold the U.S. policy in Vietnam nor can I see why those who
agree with me should be forced through the draft to go to Vietnam to kill other human
beings, Ricksecker said.
15
In two weeks after the letter was published, another student
panned Ricksecker’s viewpoint, hinting that he was an isolationist and a Communist. In
March 1966, Herbert Creech declared in a letter that we must become “less tolerant of
sick viewpoints from the pacifistic leftists who are unable to comprehend the meaning of
‘United we stand-divided we fall.’”
16
Doubts Emerge
Events over the next two years shifted attitudes on the University of Dayton
campus and across the country. By mid-1967, the major news media were now becoming
skeptical of the progress being made in Vietnam. They were now calling the conflict a
stalemate. Their experiences in Vietnam were causing journalists to questions the ethics
of the war effort. Some journalists began to question the words and motives of military
and political leaders who were leading the fight in Vietnam. Across the nation, the news
revealed in graphic detail the reality of the war. The American public also began to
question the war.
17
At the University of Dayton, the final days of the Heresy Affair came to a close in
February 1967. The event had caused students to start thinking more deeply not just
about academic freedom, but about their own freedoms on campus. Students at the
University of Dayton were now questioning long-held beliefs and re-examining their
opinions on various issues.
15
Letter to the Editor, Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Nov. 5, 1965.
16
Letter to the Editor, Flyer News (Dayton, OH), March 25, 1966.
17
James Brian McPherson, Journalism at the End of the American Century, 1965-present, (Westport:
Praeger Publishers, 2006), 1-2, 4.
P a g e | 28
At the University of Dayton, students began to question the Reserve Officer
Training Corps (ROTC). The university’s two-year compulsory ROTC requirement for
all males had been in place since the 1920s. This was not unusual at many Catholic
colleges and universities. American higher education in general had been a consistent
advocate for ROTC. But in the early 1960s, more colleges and universities had begun to
drop compulsory ROTC.
One reason for this was because more students were able to defer from the draft
than in the past. During the Vietnam-era, the number of exemptions and deferments had
increased. This allowed males to better avoid service. College students were granted a
student deferment. Perhaps for this reason early in the conflict, students did not appear to
be concerned about serving overseas. But, as the war continued, more college students
became concerned they would eventually need to serve. As this took place, many
Catholic-college students viewed ROTC with suspicion and also questioned whether a
Catholic institution hosting a ROTC unit was moral.
18
As far back as March 1963, columnist Jim Herbert mentioned that “many
freshman and sophomore men would agree” that mandatory ROTC is “unnecessary and
incompatible with academic pursuits.”
19
There were no signs that the program would
become voluntary despite some early misgivings about compulsory ROTC. After Roesch
signed a new contract for the ROTC program in March 1965, student attitudes appeared
unchanged. Flyer News reported that a poll conducted by the university’s Young
Democrats had found 82% of the 2,300 students polled were in favor of compulsory
ROTC.
20
Support for the 2-year requirement was still strong, amongst both the
administration and the students, it appeared.
Elsewhere, however, newspapers were reporting on a growing anti-Vietnam War
movement. By mid-October 1965, New York Times, one of the premier American
newspapers, ran front-page stories on the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). The
organization opposed the war. Not only were established newspapers reporting on
organizations such as SDS, but those who opposed the conflict were creating “alternative
newspapers.” Almost all of these alternative newspapers were politically liberal and,
18
Ciernick, “Student Life,” 256-257, 283.
19
Jim Herbert, “A voice…in left field,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), March 29, 1963.
20
“UD Students Support LBJ”, Flyer News (Dayton, OH), November 5, 1965.
P a g e | 29
outside of the war, they also focused on racial equality, women’s rights, sexual openness,
and socioeconomic issues.
21
The existence of these papers were undoubtedly known to
the staff of the Flyer News.
The Growth of the Anti-War and Anti-ROTC Movement
At the University of Dayton, support for the war and mandatory ROTC began to
waver after 1965. In April 1966, a letter to the editor of Flyer News described an incident
where a ROTC cadet refused to salute the American flag during his drilling. This cadet
did so in order to voice his disagreement with the war and with mandatory ROTC. The
writer of the letter concluded that, “The ROTC instructors are wasting their time with
him and his academic record is suffering because of this course.”
22
The writer appears to
make an argument for the student’s academic freedom. A few months later, in November,
another student letter echoed a similar argument. The ROTC program was a waste of
time, it claimed, for those who did not wish to become an officer. The author
acknowledged he was for a minority group at the University of Dayton, but also asserted
it was “nonetheless, a recognizable group.”
23
In the coming months, that group would become more recognizable as Flyer
News reported on their opposition to the ROTC program and the war. In November, a
student named Jack Cline announced the start of a Vietnam Peace Vigil. Every
Wednesday from 12:30 P.M. to 1:30 P.M, Cline and his fellow students led that peace
vigil in front of the Kennedy Union. It would not end, he claimed, until the Vietnam War
stopped. There were no speeches and no posters, the Flyer News reported, but rather a
quiet protest conducted to “display sorrow for the killing” and to “awaken the campus
conscience.”
24
Significantly, the editorial board of Flyer News was not critical of the
vigils. They wondered how effective it was, however.
By January 1967, these students were becoming openly critical of the conflict. In
his editor’s choice, a student named Bernie Murray accused his schoolmates of being
“foolish” because “they’re afraid to think” and “they cry out ‘Un-American activities’
21
James Brian McPherson, Journalism at the End, 25.
22
Letters to the Editor, Flyer News (Dayton, OH), April 1, 1966.
23
Letters to the Editor, Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Nov. 4, 1966.
24
Jan Golab, “Vigil Protests Vietnam War,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Nov. 18, 1966.
P a g e | 30
(Peace Vigils)” even though they don’t state “any positive ideas of their own.”
25
The next
week, one writer supported Murray’s position in a letter. Another writer defended the
war. Interestingly enough, Murray wrote in a letter to the editor that his column was not
criticizing Vietnam. It was merely defending the right to dissent, he claimed. In fact,
Murray states that he is in favor of “escalation of the war in Vietnam,” not withdrawal.
26
These letters to the editor of Flyer News reveals that there were signs of wavering
support for mandatory ROTC and Vietnam at the University of Dayton. On the other
hand, in March 1967, one of the Dayton Daily News reporters, Benjamin Kline, wrote a
story on the “positive side” of ROTC service at the University of Dayton. Kline described
the Dayton chapter as well as Ohio State’s. He also described the overall program as one
that “actively prepares” men for military service.
27
Jim Fain returned to the University of
Dayton to give a lecture about his visit to Vietnam. While others in American media were
beginning to have doubts, Fain believed the situation was “much improved,” and
perceived that the South Vietnamese hated the Viet Cong and admired the American
forces. Furthermore, Fain invoked the Cold War domino theory by saying that Laos and
Cambodia could “fall” to Communism if South Vietnam is defeated. Dayton Daily News
was still in support of the Vietnam War.
Back at the University of Dayton, however, in April of 1967, the Campus Peace
Committee (CPC) was founded on campus. The committee described itself as “patriotic
young American students who are concerned about their country and their involvement in
Vietnam.” Flyer News actively reported on CPC activities. For instance, the CPC sent
members to the newly-created UD Forum to discuss Vietnam. The UD Forum had been
created to stimulate open and free exchange of ideas among students. The committee also
organized a Candlelight Procession for peace in Vietnam on Dayton’s campus.
28
The next
week, the committee specifically protested against mandatory ROTC. During one of Fr.
Roesch’s military reviews, the CPC attempted to bring attention to a petition calling for
an end to mandatory ROTC that was created by the Theology Department and sent to the
Administrative Council. CPC members carried a sign that read “Voluntary ROTC.
25
Bernie Murray, “Editor’s Choice,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Jan. 13, 1967.
26
Letter to the Editor, Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Jan. 27, 1967.
27
Benjamin Kline, ROTC: Positive Side of Service,” Dayton Daily News (Dayton, OH), March 19, 1967.
28
Carol Giver, “Candlelight Crowd on Peace March,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), April 14, 1967.
P a g e | 31
The protest turned into a controversy when Bro. Sheehy, Dean of Students,
witnessed the group and their sign. Sheehy confiscated the sign and destroyed it because,
he told Flyer News, the sign would “embarrass UD.”
29
Since this incident was reported in
the last edition of Flyer News, there were no student reactions to it in the letters to the
editor. However, in what may be seen as a significant shift, the editorial board was
outraged at Sheehy’s actions, saying “The Dean-turned-hero did more harm to the name
of the University than any of the peaceniks” and defended the student’s right to dissent.
30
The impact of the earlier Free Speech Movement was becoming increasingly evident.
Dayton Daily News also covered the sign-tearing incident extensively. It was at
this point that the local newspaper could be said to have begun to pay more attention to
the ROTC issue at the University of Dayton. Benjamin Kline, who wrote “ROTC:
Positive Side to Service,” reported on the incident. But while the student newspaper saw
Bro. Sheehy as an obstacle to their freedoms, Kline sought to mitigate the offense by
shifting blame. Kline quoted the head of the CPC, Andrew Hollywood, who defended
Bro. Sheehy by claiming he acted “not so much anti-Peace as much as that he felt we
were deliberately trying to embarrass the university.
31
Another consequence of Kline’s
defense was to minimize the fact that tensions were starting to develop between the
students and the administration at the University of Dayton. His article also seemed
designed to deflect public outrage against the protest away from the administration. The
university had a strong, cooperative relationship with the Dayton community and it is
likely that Dayton Daily News had a vested interest to not damage that relationship.
The incident nonetheless caught the attention of the Dayton community residents.
Many of them wrote letters to the editor. A good majority of the letters sided with Bro.
Sheehy. These were the most vocal residents. They supported Sheehy and his actions and
were not totally on the side of the students, commending Sheehy for making a stand
against the “peacenik demonstration” and calling for more men like him.
32
Others called
him a hero for his actions. He was a defender of law and order and was against chaos, it
29
Sue Baker, “Unrest Mars Pres. Review,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), April 21, 1967.
30
Editorial, Flyer News (Dayton, OH), April 21, 1967.
31
Benjamin Kline, “UD Dean Rips Banner of ROTC Protesters,” Dayton Daily News (Dayton, OH), April
20, 1967.
32
Letters to the Editor, Dayton Daily News (Dayton, OH), April 26, 1967.
P a g e | 32
was suggested. Dayton residents, however, were not entirely unsympathetic to the
students. There were a few letters that criticized both Sheehy and compulsory ROTC,
with one letter finding it “ironic” that, as a Marianist brother, Bro. Sheehy “gives his
support to the ROTC program which trains men to kill.”
33
The End of Mandatory ROTC
In the academic year of 1967-68, criticism of ROTC and Vietnam mushroomed
on the University of Dayton’s campus. In early September, the Dayton chapter of the
American Association of University Professors (AAUP) passed a resolution that endorsed
voluntary ROTC. Prof. Alfred Bannon, president of the chapter, and other members
believed that the mandatory aspect of ROTC hindered “academic freedom” as it limited
students’ freedom of choice for their courses.
34
With the Heresy Affair behind them and a
reaffirmation of academic freedom made by Fr. Roesch back in March, more students
appear to have begun to see a connection between their freedom to choose philosophy
courses and their freedom to choose whether to take ROTC courses. This, as well as
concurrent events surrounding the war, could have played a role in the students’ changing
perspectives on ROTC. Both Flyer News and Dayton Daily News help shape these
changing perspectives among the students and the Dayton residents.
Calls for voluntary ROTC rose during this year. This year, the university
continued a series of informal discussions between students and administration officials
that was originally called fireside chats.” Now, it was renamed “U-Views.” The first one
in September 1967 featured Fr. Roesch and many students asked him questions about
voluntary ROTC. Fr. Roesch reacted defensively, saying “You didn’t have to come to the
University of Dayton.”
35
It appeared to have the opposite of the intended effect on
students. After this, more letters to the editor appeared calling for voluntary ROTC. One
in October echoed the arguments advanced by the AAUP. It is at this point the Flyer
News editorial board made a significant turn in its views on the morality of ROTC at a
Catholic university. When Colonel Uel French of the Military Science Department tried
to defend ROTC in a Faculty Feedback column, some students criticized his views in
the letters to the editor in the next edition. The overall opinion of the students appears to
33
Letters to the Editor, Dayton Daily News (Dayton, OH), April 28, 1967.
34
Dan Troy, “Student Congress Oks Voluntary ROTC at UD,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Sept. 29, 1967.
35
“Talks on Tuition, ROTC Given,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Sept. 29, 1967.
P a g e | 33
have changed by this point. Even the Young Americans for Freedom (YAF), a
conservative organization who supported the Vietnam War, was calling for an end to
mandatory ROTC.
36
Whatever the situation in the fall of 1967, the next semester, the spring of 1968,
the mood on campus had clearly changed. The outcry in Flyer News in the fall of 1967
for voluntary ROTC had opened the floodgates of student criticism. As a result, student
government announced in March of 1968 that they were going to conduct a survey on
students’ opinions on ROTC in conjunction with CPC.
37
In April, when the results came
back, they certified that the Flyer News editorial board’s opinions matched those of the
student body. Nearly 72% of the 1,000 students polled were not in favor of the two-year
mandatory ROTC requirement. Furthermore, more students preferred a voluntary four-
year program over either one or two years of a compulsory program, a stark change from
the survey a couple years before which had found 82% of respondents were in favor of
mandatory ROTC.
38
This major shift in the attitudes of the University of Dayton students was most
likely the result of both the students’ discontent with the Vietnam War and the growing
campus support for academic freedom. The Flyer News editorial board influenced this
shift by publishing editorials that had supported Fr. Roesch and the four professors in the
Heresy Affair and that had called for voluntary ROTC. These editorials were echoing the
broader anti-war movement that was growing nationally. Although the anti-war
movement started small, it grew exponentially as the Johnson administration continued to
escalate the war and send more troops over to Vietnam.
Before the results of the April 1968 poll at the University of Dayton were made
public, Fr. Roesch had already clearly observed that attitudes on ROTC had changed on
campus. He brought the issue of mandatory ROTC to the Academic Council on March
18, 1968. He signaled an interest in exploring options for substitutes for the 2-year ROTC
requirement. The Military Science Department gave the council alternatives to the current
program: end the program entirely, make only the first year mandatory, make the
program voluntary as the students wanted it, or make the program part of the professional
36
“Group Urges Voluntary ROTC at UD,” Dayton Daily News (Dayton, OH), Oct. 21, 1967.
37
“Students to Consider ROTC Policy View,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), March 1, 1968.
38
“Poll Proves Dissatisfaction in Current ROTC Policy,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), April 19, 1968.
P a g e | 34
or pre-professional curricula.
39
After a month of deliberation, on April 16, the council
decided to attempt to cater to both sides. It recommended that only the first year of
ROTC be mandatory.
40
By the academic year of 1968-69, however, the reduction to one
year of mandatory ROTC did not satisfy University of Dayton students nor the Flyer
News editorial board. Both, it was made clear, wanted the completely voluntary ROTC.
As a result, ROTC became a major target for student protests at the University of Dayton.
By that time, wider events taking place in the U.S. and Vietnam were undoubtedly
having an impact. The Tet Offensive back in January had disillusioned many Americans.
Victory in the Vietnam War did not appear as near as its defenders said. During the
summer of 1968, the bad news continued with Robert Kennedy’s assassination in June.
This accelerated student protests nationwide against Vietnam. The new militancy in
students at Dayton was evident as soon as they returned to campus. Demands that
mandatory ROTC end began right away. A group of about 11 students, including Bernie
Murray, went to ROTC orientation for freshmen men and passed out pamphlets that
called for voluntary ROTC.
41
About a week later, on September 4, nearly 1,000 students
gathered outside of Kennedy Union to begin a “new” campaign against mandatory
ROTC. A number of faculty showed up to the rally as well, including one of the
“heretical” professors John Chrisman. Chrisman overtly linked these protests and the
Heresy Affair when he spoke. Just as he had questioned Thomism before, he was now
asking why students could not choose if they wanted to take ROTC? “What academic
qualifications does this subject have in order to be required of every male student?” To
everyone’s surprise, Fr. Roesch appeared at the rally. He told the crowd that ROTC
policy was continuing to be reviewed. He then suggested that ROTC could be made
voluntary.
42
Emboldened, the editorial board of Flyer News again made the argument that
mandatory ROTC is wrong academically and morally. The editorial quoted Bernie
Murray’s stinging rebuke of Fr. Roesch’s earlier comments at the rally, “I didn’t have to
come here but I did and I’m going to stay because I care.”
43
In his own column, Murray
39
University of Dayton, “Academic Council Meeting Minutes,” March 18, 1968.
40
University of Dayton, Academic Council Meeting Minutes,” April 16, 1968.
41
“ROTC Leaflets Bring Early Police Action,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Aug. 30, 1968.
42
Dona J. Walter, “Students Stage Rally for Voluntary ROTC,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Sept. 6, 1968.
43
Editorial, Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Sept. 6, 1968.
P a g e | 35
made clear his opposition to ROTC and now, unlike a couple of years before, his
opposition to the Vietnam War.
Student body president Chris Kerns now created an Emergency Commission to
Effect Voluntary ROTC. The commission’s purpose was to mobilize and coordinate
students and faculty in the fight for voluntary ROTC as well as to urge students to call on
members of the Academic Council to readdress the issue. They also created a study group
consisting of commission members John Judge and John Chrisman to formulate a
scholarly report on the reasons for voluntary ROTC.
44
The next week, Flyer News
reported that steps were now being taken to present the issue to the Academic Council.
Additionally, Student Council passed a resolution that not only called for voluntary
ROTC, but also called for the issue to be addressed at the next Academic Council
meeting.
45
Just as Flyer News was covering ROTC protests and providing a forum for
student opinion on the matter, Dayton Daily News reported on the debate and published
residents’ opinions on the issue. The local newspaper ran multiple stories on the rally as
well as a story on the scholarly report that was being written for the Academic Council.
On the stories about the rally, reporter Dan Geringer included quotes from some of the
participants. Kline wrote an article that described the scholarly report, detailed the
administrative procedure that would take place, and recognized just how much the
University of Dayton was involved with ROTC.
Opposition to the student position among the Dayton residents appeared to be
weakening. Soon after the rally for voluntary ROTC, Dayton Daily News ran an editorial
titled “Required ROTC Out of Place,” which was short and not detailed but supported the
students’ opposition towards the requirement.
46
While the Dayton Daily News editorial
board had at one point supported Bro. Sheehy’s actions in the sign-tearing incident, in the
fall of 1968, the board now sided with the students. The administration was responding to
the changes in student attitudes and thus Dayton Daily News reporters could not criticize
the students without criticizing the administration. Regardless of what the editors actually
believed about the ROTC program and Vietnam, it appears that the Dayton Daily News
44
Susan Baker, “Commission Formed for Voluntary ROTC,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Sept. 13, 1968.
45
“ROTC Question May Go Before Council Monday,Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Sept. 20, 1968.
46
Editorial, Dayton Daily News (Dayton, OH), Sept. 6, 1968.
P a g e | 36
had determined the University of Dayton was an integral part of the Dayton community
and the newspaper did not want the public to have a bad view of the institution.
In October, the newly-formed United Students organized a teach-in on October 7
in front of Kennedy Union to create an open dialogue about ROTC and to await a
decision by the Academic Council whether to reopen the ROTC issue.
47
The students got
part of their wish as the Academic Council voted 12-0 with one abstention to reopen the
issue.
48
The editorial board of Flyer News praised the decision, calling the decision
“sound judgement” and “open-minded.”
49
Simultaneously, Dayton Daily News withheld
judgement and merely reported the decision with no comment.
The Academic Council’s decision to reopen the topic did not prevent students
from protesting further. To mock the ROTC program, in a parody of its annual military
ball, a group of students held an anti-military ball the same night. The ball exposed a rift
between the more leftist students of the University of Dayton and the more moderate
students within Flyer News. In their coverage of the dance, Flyer News critiqued the
“pulsating far-left atmosphere,” of the parody.
50
The beginning of the next semester,
students marched for voluntary ROTC to reemphasize the importance of the issue and
maintain the positive momentum of the previous months. Perhaps sensing the fight was
already won, only 400 students participated in the march, far less compared to the rally
back in September.
During the ensuing months, the Academic Council had been debating whether to
heed to the students’ demands. At a December 2 council meeting, Paul Peters, executive
vice president of Student Council and the student representative on the Academic
Council, voiced his own personal opposition to mandatory ROTC and called for
voluntary ROTC by September 1969, just as many of his fellow students had
demanded.
51
Peters’ role on the Council was jeopardized when it was discovered he
participated in the demonstration in January. However, these concerns were overruled
47
Pat Chapla, “Academic Council Reopens Mandatory ROTC Question,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Oct.
4, 1968.
48
University of Dayton, “Academic Council Meeting Minutes,” Oct. 7, 1968.
49
Editorial, Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Oct. 11, 1968.
50
“Balls: Anti-Military vs. Military Simply a Difference in Style,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Nov. 15,
1968.
51
University of Dayton, “Academic Council Meeting Minutes,” Dec. 2, 1968.
P a g e | 37
when the Theological Studies Department joined Peters’ opposition to mandatory ROTC
on January 20 based on moral grounds. In the end, the Council voted 10-7 in favor of
voluntary ROTC.
52
The Flyer News edition that came out after the vote revealed the student body and
the editorial board were jubilant. “We commend the Academic Council’s decision…for
new academic freedom at UD is more of a reality than a hope,” said the editorial board
and a letter to the editor thanked and congratulated everyone who played a part in making
this decision happen.
53
A few weeks after the announcement of the decision, another
letter to the editor praised the decision, saying it was “a wise move in the direction of
academic freedom.” Then, the writer, Dennis Ryan, took it a step further by calling for
the end of ROTC entirely, an idea that was shot down by a later letter.
54
However, not
everyone was enthusiastic about the decision. One letter to the editor that came a week
later claimed the end of voluntary ROTC was a step towards the elimination of discipline
and that rebelliousness will lead people nowhere.
55
The Dayton Daily News coverage of events was more guarded and seemingly
focused on reducing friction between the University of Dayton and the residents of the
surrounding Dayton community. When it came to Dayton Daily News’ coverage of the
decision, Benjamin Kline portrayed the decision as a matter of “educational philosophy,”
rather than a response to the student protests on campus, as the deciding factor in making
ROTC voluntary. Kline also emphasized that the University of Dayton’s students were
“generally conservative,” despite the result.
56
Here, Kline depicts the administration
making a decision as an educational issue and not in response to student pressure. By
portraying the students and the administration this way, the Dayton Daily News seems to
preserve the image of a strong administration and non-radical student body in order to
maintain support for the University of Dayton among Dayton residents.
On February 28, a little over a month after the Academic Council’s decision, Fr.
Roesch announced that the decision was accepted by both the Administrative Council and
52
University of Dayton, “Academic Council Meeting Minutes,Jan. 20, 1969.
53
Editorial, Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Jan. 24, 1969.
54
Letter to the Editor, Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Feb. 7, 1969.
55
Letter to the Editor, Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Jan. 28, 1969.
56
Benjamin Kline, “Make ROTC Voluntary, UD Council Recommends.” Dayton Daily News (Dayton,
OH), Jan. 22, 1969.
P a g e | 38
the Board of Trustees. ROTC was officially entirely voluntary. In a letter to the editor of
Flyer News, John Judge, one of the writers of the scholarly report, commended Fr.
Roesch and the councils for their decision and stated his hope that this decision begins a
trend against “militarism” on Dayton’s campus.
57
Conclusion
In span of less than a decade, the University of Dayton students had shifted from
large support for a mandatory ROTC to large opposition against the program. The
national debate about ROTC among Catholic-college students represented the changes
and developments that had occurred in the American Catholic community during the
1960s. Initially, ROTC was considered the symbol of American Catholics’ patriotism as
they supported the U.S. Army in their fight against Communism. However, as the
Vietnam War escalated, some American Catholic students, fueled by the spirit of Vatican
II, began to see ROTC as a symbol of institutional complicity with the war.
58
Specifically
for the University of Dayton, the promise of academic freedom that had come from Fr.
Roesch after the Heresy Affair had inspired the students to fight for their freedom with
regards to ROTC.
Flyer News reflected this transition. It changed its views from overall support for
Vietnam and mandatory ROTC to opposition to both. Few Dayton residents and Dayton
Daily News writers were sympathetic with the students. And yet the Dayton Daily News
began to shift their opinion as the University of Dayton administration, led by Fr. Roesch,
acquiesced to the students’ desire for a voluntary ROTC. As a result, Dayton Daily News
sought to depict the move to voluntary ROTC not as a result of student protests, but
rather as a result of change in what was considered essential education. This reveals a
desire to minimize conflict on campus and blunt criticisms of the school within the
community.
57
Letter to the Editor, Flyer News (Dayton, OH), March 7, 1969.
58
Ciernick, “Student Life,” 324.
P a g e | 39
Chp. 3: St. Marys Sit-In
Introduction
During the social and countercultural movements of the 1960s, students
demanded changes in the structure of higher education. They demanded more say in how
universities operated as well as freedom of speech and action. The ideas of the Scottish
philosopher A.S. Neill on education were endorsed by some students. Neill advocated for
a more student-centered approach in education. He believed in an educational system that
placed the students on equal footing with the administration in decision-making. This
system emphasized freedom and rejected a more religious education.
1
At the University of Dayton, there is no evidence that Neill’s school of thought
directly influenced the students. But the action taken by some of the University of Dayton
students in the late 1960s reveal they supported these goals. After years of faithfully
supporting the University of Dayton values as a Catholic institution, in the late 1960s, the
events surrounding the Heresy Affair reveal many students wanted a more secular
education. For example, many students revealed they desired the ability to choose their
own courses. In another example studied here, not long after the Heresy Affair, the
students demanded the freedom to choose whether to take ROTC courses. As the 1960s
neared its end, students also began to demand more control over their personal lives as
well as a greater say in campus affairs.
One place this became evident was in the students’ continued press on influencing
what was being taught. In 1968, Dr. Phillip Grant of the History Department was
terminated without any clear explanation. Students were outraged upon hearing about
this. News of Dr. Grant’s fate set off a student protest. On February 6, 1969, ten students,
including Bernie Murray, staged a sit-in and a week-long hunger strike in St. Mary’s
outside Fr. Roesch’s office. Their aim was to call to attention to “the violation of our
most basic right to intelligently determine our education environment.”
2
While the sit-in
1
William Jeynes, American Educational History: School, Society, and the Common Good (Thousand Oaks:
SAGE Publications, 2007), 332.
2
“Administration Proposition Prompts Grant Walkout,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Feb. 7, 1969.
P a g e | 40
was small, the demonstration foreshadowed a larger sit-in in St. Mary’s in March the next
year. That sit-in involved more participants, included more demands, and caught the
attention of both the Dayton campus and the Dayton community. It was, in essence, the
culmination of the effects of the Heresy Affair and the ROTC protests in terms of the
awakening of the student body to larger issues of student freedom.
The Call for Student Responsibility
By the early 1950s, American Catholic higher education, which its leaders
believed it needed to “protect” students from the secular world, had created a system that
did just that. This was evident in the student-life and disciplinary policies of Catholic
colleges and universities. Many university administrations had schedules that dictated
when students woke up, ate, studied, attended religious services, and went to bed.
3
Most
Catholic-college students followed this mandatory regimen enthusiastically. Nonetheless,
there were some students who quietly rebelled against these rules. They called for a
relaxation of curfews policies, dress codes, and compulsory religious practices. These
students believed that the university administration needed to recognize their emerging
maturity and their autonomy as individuals.
4
In the 1960s, American Catholic institutions of higher education started to move
away from a draconian approach and embrace the post-Vatican II idea of personal
responsibility.
5
More students began to demand an end to these strict student-life policies
and push for greater autonomy. The students of the University of Dayton were no
different from other Catholic-college students. Between 1963-1964, Lucia Gattone, a
Flyer News columnist, called for University of Dayton students to assume more adult
responsibility. Part of this was taking a more active role in campus life. “We who’ve
murmured and grumbled so long are going to have to show that we can accept the
responsibility to do something,” said Gattone.
6
Other students soon echoed her sentiment.
In his regular column, Jim DeFeo, another Flyer News journalist, criticized the idea of the
“University family. This was the term used by those who characterized administration as
3
Helen Marie Ciernick, “Student Life on Catholic-College Campuses in the San Francisco Bay Area during
the 1960s,” (doctoral dissertation, The Catholic University of America, 2003), 10.
4
Ciernick, “Student Life,” 84.
5
Ciernick, “Student Life,” 83.
6
Lucia Gattone, “It’s Waiting for Us,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Feb. 20, 1964.
P a g e | 41
parents and the students as children. According to DeFeo, this created a
counterproductive emphasis on “child-like obedience” at the University of Dayton.
7
In early 1965, it seemed apparent that students were, at least partially, ready to
demand greater responsibility. The Student Council was considering a bill that would
make the election of the “President of the Council a direct vote by the students. The
President was currently determined by the Student Council members themselves.
Students as well as the Flyer News editorial board supported this bill. According to one
student, it was needed because “more active participation is necessary in campus
politics.”
8
Student Council did not want to give up their power and voted the bill down.
They rejected it again when the idea was brought up the next year.
But the demand for greater student control was gaining momentum elsewhere.
The Flyer News editorial board increasingly asked “what is the student’s responsibility,
not just in relation to Vietnam or the Heresy Affair, but in their own lives?
9
Students
demanded for collaboration with the university administration and gained institutional
support. In September 1967, Fr. Roesch announced that fifteen students and twenty-two
lay faculty members would be appointed to the University councils and committees that
made some of the bigger decisions on campus. The editorial board praised the
announcement.
10
The next year, in September 1968, the student body created a new
organization called “Students for Mobilization,” which was intended to produce a
“unifying voice on matters which directly or indirectly affect their personal, social, and/or
academic lives.”
11
Sexual Freedom and Birth Control
Another avenue in which University of Dayton students were struggling to win
more independence was their sex lives. At most Catholic colleges, there were systems in
place that controlled sexual behavior. Visitation hours were regulated and the admittance
of the opposite sex into housing quarters were controlled. Additionally, social pressures
7
Jim DeFeo, “The Family Myth,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Dec. 3, 1965.
8
“Student Want to Elect SC President,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Jan. 22, 1965.
9
Editorial, Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Feb. 3, 1967.
10
Carol Giver, “Student Delegates Appointed to Councils for First Time,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Sept.
8, 1967.
11
“Students Mobilize to Solve Pressing University Problems,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Sept. 13, 1968.
P a g e | 42
made public affection on campus taboo.
12
These conditions characterized life at the
University of Dayton in the early 1960s. In November 1962, a letter to the editor in Flyer
News asked if kissing and embracing in public was acceptable at the University of
Dayton.
13
Public displays of affection like that were “unchristian and disrespectful,
responded another student. Students must check their sexual impulses, it was argued.
14
But times were changing. As the 1960s progressed, students began to question
these strictures. In 1964, two years later, the question was raised again. Student Michael
Thiel complained in the letters to the editor of Flyer News about couples kissing on the
steps of the Marycrest dormitory.
15
Unlike the previous occasion, however, a number of
letters to the editor criticized Thiel’s position. In November 1965, another complaint
about displays of affections at the Torch Room in Kennedy Union also elicited critical
responses. By September 1966, at a Fireside Chat on the topic of love, sex, and marriage,
one student asked, “Why should sex be reserved for marriage?”
16
This shift in attitudes towards sexual behavior corresponded with ongoing
changes amongst the American Catholic community. After the Second Vatican Council
had examined the Catholic Church’s position on birth control and Pope John XXIII had
created a papal commission on the issue, sexuality began to be more openly debated in
the American Catholic community. In another example, in 1965, some students expressed
their opposition to birth control in Flyer News. The then-traditional view of birth control
held by the Church and Catholic community was that birth control was immoral. In his
October column, Bob Vertes wrote that birth control was “immoral, and it’s that
simple.”
17
In November, student Robert Acker claimed that “only moral theology” can
determine “which human act is moral and which is immoral.” Not any biological or
philosophical perspective can justify birth control, according to Acker.
18
But these
onetime commonplace assertions did not go uncontested in the coming years. After the
Heresy Affair questioned whether birth control was actually immoral, student
12
Ciernick, “Student Life,” 156.
13
Andrew Evwaraye, letter to the editor, Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Nov. 2, 1962.
14
Letter to the Editor, Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Nov. 16, 1962.
15
Letter to the Editor, Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Nov. 13, 1964.
16
“Love, Sex, Marriage Discussed by Fireside,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Sept. 30, 1966.
17
Bob Vertes, “It’s Immoral,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Oct. 29, 1965.
18
Robert M. Acker, letter to the editor, Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Nov. 12, 1965.
P a g e | 43
government passed a resolution that called for the accessibility of “family planning and
birth control information at the Health Center” and for the “availability of birth control
measures.”
19
Dr. John Rock, inventor of the oral contraceptive pill, came to speak on
Dayton’s campus about planning one’s parenthood and using his pill to do so.
20
When
Pope Paul VI’s encyclical Humanae Vitae reaffirmed the Church’s opposition to birth
control, the Flyer News editorial board criticized the decision.
21
Columnist Bernie
Murray also criticized the decision and what he saw as the Church’s refusal to update its
teachings on the matter.
22
Student and Personal Freedoms
The University of Dayton administration began to give student more personal
autonomy. Throughout the 1960s, the administration relaxed dress codes, and shortened
curfew hours for certain groups of students. In September 1967, Marycrest Hall, a
women’s dormitory, was given a co-ed recreational room where the women could
entertain male guests at certain times of the day.
23
Relaxation of control by the
administration, however, coincided with student demands for more personal freedom. For
instance, Bernie Murray wrote in his column that the rules of the student handbook
treated students as if they were incapable of making any real decision” for their own
good.
24
Students such as Murray had been pushing for the relaxation of control by the
administration for many years and, at times, the administration relented.
The student-run radio station, WVUD, became another issue in the 1964-65
academic year. WVUD’s programming featured mostly psalms, news, classical music,
meditation, and the Star-Spangled Banner.
25
The radio’s program did not broadcast
modern, secular music. The ability to listen to more contemporary music became an issue
among some of the student body. In 1965, students criticized a campus prohibition of
songs by folk artist Bob Dylan in the Music Listening Room in Kennedy Union. This
suppression of contemporary music became connected to the WVUD programming issue
19
“Family Planning Bill Gains Congress Okay,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), March 22, 1968.
20
Mary Hymans, “Dr. Rock Stresses Urgent Need for Intelligent Parenthood,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH),
April 5, 1968.
21
Editorial, Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Sept. 13, 1968.
22
Bernie Murray, “O’Boyle and Birth Control,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Sept. 13, 1968.
23
Barb Cicciollo, “Doors Open to Male Guests,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Sept. 29, 1967.
24
Bernie Murray, “Kampus Karnival,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), April 19, 1968.
25
Mary Anne Kane, “Attitudes of the UD Student during the 60s,” (essay, University of Dayton, 1974), 9.
P a g e | 44
in a letter to the editor in 1968. The writer of the letter criticized the station’s lack of
songs by the Beatles, Bob Dylan and other contemporary songs. He suggested the start of
a “new college station” that would include more modern songs.
26
As meaningful as these previous issues were to some, the right of students to
freely express their views emerged as the most important freedom. In the aftermath of the
Heresy Affair, students demonstrated not just for voluntary ROTC, but for the right to
demonstrate on Dayton’s campus. In January 1968, around 1,000 students marched
across campus in disapproval of the suspension of twelve students who were charged
with forging their advisors’ signatures on preregistration forms. While not condoning the
actions of the twelve students, Jack Boos, Student Government president, believed the
punishment was “completely out of proportion with the offense.”
27
After this and the ROTC protests, Student Government decided to pass a
demonstration bill in September 1968. The policy upheld the students’ right “to dissent
and demonstrate in a peaceful manner,” but, if a student’s action “results in the severe
disruption of classes,” the student will be ordered to disperse. Failure to comply would
result in the student being referred to the Dean of Students for disciplinary hearings.
28
The Flyer News editorial board called it a “practical policy. However, Benjamin Kline
of the Dayton Daily News considered it “pablum” compared to the strict State of Ohio’s
riot act law.
29
The bill passed in both the Student Welfare Council and the Administrative
Council, but the latter amended the policy in a way that the students found ambiguous.
Those amendments caused the student body to demand a document that clearly protects
their right to demonstrate. This resulted in the creation of the Student Rights Commission
by Student Government. The commission’s purpose was to draw up a comprehensive
Student Bill of Rights, to develop a Board of Appeals, and to review student rules and
regulations.
30
Once the commission completed the Bill of Rights, the Flyer News editorial
26
J. Brian Flanagan, letter to the editor, Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Feb. 9, 1968.
27
Pat Skalka, “Marchers Protest Provost’s ‘Unjust’ Student Suspensions,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Jan.
12, 1968.
28
“Congress Passes Demonstration Bill,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Sept. 20, 1968.
29
Benjamin Kline, “UD Policy: Right to Dissent, Demonstrate Peacefully,” Dayton Daily News (Dayton,
OH), Sept. 20, 1968.
30
Carol Giver, “Student Rights Board Formed,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), April 19, 1968.
P a g e | 45
board urged students to give their opinions on the draft and to make it as good as
possible. It is their future that this document would determine, they were told.
31
Much
was in the final draft of the Student Bill of Rights: guaranteed access to one’s student
records, freedom to run their own organizations as they saw fit, and procedural rules in
case of disciplinary hearings. The Student Bill of Rights was passed in March 1969.
Not everyone supported the students’ drive for more personal freedom. Reformers
were opposed by a group of conservative Catholics who resisted social changes. They
rejected the reform spirit of Vatican II and the corresponding struggle for social freedom.
As a result, these conservative Catholics worked to undermine reform efforts.
32
They
opposed the reformist victories in the Heresy Affair and the ROTC protests, and began to
actively resist further changes. Reflecting this, the Dayton Daily News depicted the
student body as divided between “activist” and “traditionalist.” Student activists, the local
newspaper said, demanded personal freedoms, peace in Vietnam, and the right to protest.
On the other hand, the traditionalist student, the newspaper contended, focused on non-
controversial activities such as community service, athletics, and adhering to the rules.
33
The Sit-In
The reformist efforts at the University of Dayton in the late 1960s culminated in
the sit-in at St. Mary’s in March of 1970. This was not the first sit-in that occurred on the
University of Dayton’s campus and not even the first sit-in at the St. Mary’s building, as
evidenced by the sit-in in 1969 in protest of Dr. Grant’s firing. However, the sit-in of
1970 was larger than any of its predecessors, demanded more than the others, and more
than any other sit-in revealed pronounced tensions between liberal and conservative
students.
The event also gained the attention of the local community and the Dayton Daily
News. Undercurrents of a possible conflict between students and the administration
surfaced when seven students resigned their positions in Student Government. Kevin
Keefe, student body president, and the speaker of the Student Congress was among them.
31
Editorial, Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Nov. 15, 1968.
32
Kristine LaLonde, “Transformations of Authority: Reform, Rebellion, and Resistance in the Catholic
Church of the 1960s,” (doctoral dissertation, University of Virginia, 2000), 283.
33
Roberta Shallenberger, “Comparative Press Coverage of the University of Dayton,” (master’s thesis,
University of Dayton, 1970), 13.
P a g e | 46
In early 1970, they resigned because they believed the Student Government was slowly
becoming less important in the “university government structure.”
34
Two months later, a group of about eleven students started the sit-in at St. Mary’s
outside Fr. Roesch’s office on the morning of March 17, 1970. That number grew to over
150 by the evening. The demands of the students included educational reforms as well as
gains of personal freedom. These demands included freely available birth control and
abortion information, more students in the operations of WVUD, open hours for men and
women dormitories, as well as permission to have alcohol in the dorms.
35
Fr. Roesch
spoke to the students multiple times during the day. As the Dayton Daily News reported
it, each time he did, he was “forced to return to his office” due to the students’ “insistent
questioning.”
36
During the sit-in, the Dayton Daily News sent David Herd to observe the
event firsthand. He interviewed student Robert Orth, head of the sit-in. Orth told Herd
that the protest was about “increased student control of the university.” After spending
eighteen hours with the students, however, Herd left because, as he said, he “did not care
anymore.”
37
Fr. Roesch spent a good portion of the early evening with the students. When he
attempted to return at 8:30 a.m. on March 18, the students had locked out Fr. Roesch as
well as the other administrators. Members of the administration were furious and wanted
Fr. Roesch to bring in Dayton police or even the National Guard. However, that difficult
decision was avoided when, at 8:45 a.m., student body president Thomas Kehoe and
seven others joined Fr. Roesch and his executive council for a meeting in Kennedy
Union. After the meeting was convened, the demonstrators vacated St. Mary’s. While
that meeting was underway, a clash of students began in the union lobby. Supporters of
the sit-in were confronted by those who did not.
38
After the meeting between Roesch’s
executive council and student representatives, an assembly was announced by AAUP for
the next day, March 19, at the UD Fieldhouse. Around 5,000 students attended the
assembly. At the assembly, Fr. Roesch explained that disciplinary action was going to be
34
“7 Quit UD’s Student Regime,” Dayton Daily News (Dayton, OH), Jan. 12, 1970.
35
“Official Statements: Demands,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), March 20, 1970.
36
“Students Stage Sit-In at UD,” Dayton Daily News (Dayton, OH), March 18, 1970.
37
David Herd, “Reporter’s Night in ‘Liberated’ Hall,” Dayton Daily News (Dayton, OH), March 18, 1970.
38
Carolyn Jackson, “150 Keep Up UD Sit-In; Confrontation Brewing,” Dayton Daily News (Dayton, OH),
March 18, 1970.
P a g e | 47
taken against the students who participated in the St. Mary’s takeover. “Militant action,
regardless of how righteous the cause, has no right to trample on rights of others or they
can expect no amnesty,” said Roesch.
39
While Roesch was highly critical of the demonstrators, Flyer News took a more
balanced position. The editorial board praised the actions of the original demonstrators
led by Robert Orth but questioned the tactics of the “leftists” who heightened the protest.
Nevertheless, the editorial board connected the sit-in to the protest of 1968 against the
suspension of twelve students as well as the firing of Dr. Grant. Flyer News argued that
the demands of this protest were “far more crucial than the two previous protests and
that “change is imminent.”
40
Flyer News also interviewed randomly selected students
about their opinions on the protest. A number of those interviewed disagreed with the
tactics of the group, but agreed with the cause. Unlike previous protests, several said,
approvingly, “it got something accomplished. On the other hand, a number of students
disapproved of the movement entirely. The protesters were a “minority” of the student
body, they declared. In the middle were students who seemed to support the goals but
believed “nothing concrete” will come from the administration as a result.
41
After the meeting at the Fieldhouse, both students and the Flyer News editorial
board were critical of the administration’s statements. The editorial board found it
“unfortunate” that the students’ viewpoints were “not expressed” at the meeting and that
the “5,000 students left the Fieldhouse with nothing.”
42
Robert Orth, the head of the sit-
in, was also dissatisfied, calling administration a “patriarchy,” a view which the meeting
at the Fieldhouse reinforced.
43
In sum, many students quoted in Flyer News praised the
sit-in and were critical of the administration at the Fieldhouse meeting.
While Flyer News seemed to paint a more positive picture of the protest, Dayton
Daily News took a different position. Their reports constantly called the demonstrators
“militants” and depicted them as agitators. One article described the students’ questioning
of the University of Dayton administration as “insistent.” While Flyer News painted a
39
Helene Kingsland, “Students Jam Fieldhouse,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), March 20, 1970.
40
Editorial, Flyer News (Dayton, OH), March 20, 1970.
41
Kevin Meagher and Mary Anne Sharkey, “It Brought Students Together: Students View Sit-In, Results,”
Flyer News (Dayton, OH), March 20, 1970.
42
Editorial, Flyer News (Dayton, OH), March 24, 1970.
43
Brian Quirk, “Orth, DeLuca State Dissatisfaction,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), March 24, 1970.
P a g e | 48
positive picture with a headline that declared “It Brought Students Together,” Dayton
Daily News emphasized the divisions within the student body, the faculty, and the
administration. Its headlines proclaimed: “Unrest at UD a Clash of Many Points of
View.” The overall tone of the Dayton Daily News implied the protest was irrelevant.
Lead reporter David Herd’s overt disinterest communicated this message. This dismissive
tone might have been a result of the Dayton Daily News staff’s intention to reduce the
public’s negative view of the University of Dayton. One letter to the editor called for the
expulsion of the students. It incorrectly assumed the sit-in was concerned about the
Vietnam War.
44
As they had before, it seemed that the Dayton Daily News did not want
to paint the University of Dayton in a bad light and sought to limit negative public
reaction because of the perceived importance of the institution to the city of Dayton.
Conclusion
The St. Mary’s sit-in of March 1970 was essentially the culmination of the
movements that helped drive the Heresy Affair and the ROTC protests. The idea of
academic freedom was the major factor in the previous two events. The result of the
Heresy Affair had helped secure the students’ right to be taught more modern ideas in the
classroom. The right to choose whether to take ROTC courses followed. The St. Mary’s
sit-in of 1970 was a direct result of these earlier events.
Protests continued to take place at the University of Dayton through the early
1970s. By then, however, major changes had already taken place. Early in the 1960s, the
University of Dayton had been a very quiet campus. As the decade progressed, the
student body became more active and desired greater say in the way that the university
was run. By 1970, students had much more freedom than they had in 1960. They could
learn more philosophies besides Thomism, choose whether to take ROTC, and, in time,
would gain many of the demands that they had presented to the administration at the St.
Mary’s sit-in.
44
James C. Corcoran, letter to the editor, Dayton Daily News (Dayton, OH), March 25, 1970.
P a g e | 49
Conclusion
In 1963, the student body of the University of Dayton had overwhelmingly
rejected the presence of the National Student Association (NSA) on campus. They had
deemed the organization too political. Six years later, in early 1969, the Student Congress
unanimously approved to join the NSA.
1
This shift in attitudes of NSA was indicative of
the major attitudinal changes at not just the University of Dayton, but at most Catholic
colleges and universities. In the early 1960s, the students of American Catholic higher
education mostly adhered to the academic and social standards of their colleges and
universities. However, later in the 1960s, Catholic-college students began to openly
challenge the traditions and rules of their universities that they thought were contrary to
the reforms of the Second Vatican Council. In the eyes of some Catholic-college
students, Vatican II had fused together the secular and religious spheres. It gave them an
incentive to become more active and embrace a more modern world.
2
Newspapers both reflected these changes and influenced the reactions to the
changes, especially in the cases of Flyer News and Dayton Daily News. While the
University of Dayton in the early 1960s was a quieter campus, Flyer News provided an
excellent space for student debate and dissent on issues such as Thomism, ROTC, and
student freedoms. As a result, the student newspaper helped foster the unrest about each
of the three main issues.
While Flyer News helped influence major changes on campus, Dayton Daily
News seemed to be focused on maintaining a good perception of the University of Dayton
in the midst of change. Before the 1960s, the Dayton Daily News praised the University
of Dayton. By the end of the 1960s, the local newspaper appeared to purposefully divert
public attention away from the tensions that arose between the student body and the
administration. While direct evidence needed to say with certainty, it appears that the
owners and staff of Dayton Daily News understood the major role the university played in
1
Dan Troy, “NSA Bill, Budget Pass; Grant Bill Waits in SC,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Jan. 28, 1969.
2
Helen Marie Ciernick, “Student Life on Catholic-College Campuses in the San Francisco Bay Area during
the 1960s,” (doctoral dissertation, Catholic University of America, 2003), 327-238.
P a g e | 50
the Dayton community and thus seemed to minimize any outcry from Dayton residents
against the institution.
Through this time period, both these newspapers reported on the three major
events discussed here: the Heresy Affair, the ROTC protests, and the St. Mary’s sit-in.
The controversy over what should be taught at a Catholic university in the Heresy Affair
helped set the stage for the University of Dayton’s transformation in introducing
academic freedom. Students gaining more freedom in the choice of their classes
influenced them to make ROTC voluntary. Success in these endeavors encouraged their
push for more freedoms, culminating in the fight for personal freedom in the St. Mary’s
sit-in. As a result, by the end of the decade, the identity of the University of Dayton had
been altered dramatically.
Indeed, many within the faculty and the administration realized that the
fundamental character of the University of Dayton had transformed. In 1968, Fr. Roesch
commissioned a committee of faculty and students called the Committee on Purposes to
propose an updated version of the University of Dayton’s Statement of Purposes. In
January 1969, the committee submitted its final draft. While recognizing itself as a
Catholic institution, the statement also asserted that the university should teach and do
research “in an atmosphere of academic freedom.” Furthermore, it states that the
university also should become more “objective” and “free from commitment” to other
organizations.
3
In the eyes of the administration, the University of Dayton had
transformed into a more secular institution that fostered academic freedom. It would
continue that way in its journey through the rest of the 20
th
Century.
3
“Committee Completes Statement of Purposes,” Flyer News (Dayton, OH), Jan. 17, 1969.
P a g e | 51
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