Pogodzinski and Sass, 1991; Quigley and
Raphael, 2005). The majority of studies find
that locations with more regulation have
higher house prices and less construction,
although planning endogeneity limits our
ability to infer causality from these correla-
tions (Gyourko and Molloy, 2015).
Nonetheless, empirical studies that account
for endogeneity frequently find that tighter
LURs cause increases in house prices
(Dalton and Zabel, 2011; Hilber and
Vermeulen, 2016; Ihlanfeldt, 2007; Jackson,
2016) and decreases in construction
(Chakraborty et al., 2010; Glaeser and
Ward, 2009; Jackson, 2016).
On the basis of this and other work,
many researchers argue that a relaxation of
LURs will improve affordability and acces-
sibility by enabling more housing construc-
tion (Freeman and Schuetz, 2017; Glaeser
and Gyourko, 2003; Manville et al., 2020).
Yet, many others remain sceptical of the
capacity for upzoning to deliver affordable
housing, arguing that benefits to lower-
income households are limited (Favilukis
et al., 2019; Rodriguez-Pose and Storper,
2020). Part of the problem is that our under-
standing of the manifold impact of upzoning
on prices is limited by an acute lack of
empirical research on the topic (Freeman
and Schuetz, 2017; Schill, 2005). Research
adopting a quasi-experimental approach to
examine price effects of zoning changes is
limited to Atkinson-Palombo (2010) and
Freemark (2019a). Notably, Freemark
(2019a) finds that multifamily buildings
appreciated relative to controls in Chicago
after transit-oriented upzoning.
In addition to upzoning, other policies
intended to reduce impediments to market-
led supply include relaxing urban growth
boundaries (Anacker, 2019); reducing unne-
cessary regulations and making the develop-
ment process more certain and transparent
(Freeman and Schuetz, 2017); and accelerat-
ing land-use and construction approvals
(Anacker, 2019). Other researchers instead
advocate for direct state intervention.
Wetzstein (2019) argues that non-market-
based housing supply, demand-side interven-
tions and urban land market interventions
are required to ensure housing affordability,
while Favilukis et al. (2019) show that direct
state-led interventions, such as vouchers and
accurately targeted inclusionary zoning,
more effectively enhance affordability in a
calibrated spatial equilibrium model.
Meanwhile Been et al. (2019) argue for a
broad policy package that includes both
state intervention and the removal of impedi-
ments to market-led construction. Freemark
(2019b) also advocates for a combination of
large-scale state-led intervention and regula-
tory reform, pointing out that housing unit
construction doubled in Paris after renewed
government support for affordable housing,
repurposing of public land, LUR reform and
the introduction of financial incentives for
private-sector construction.
Institutional background
Auckland is the largest city in NZ, with an
estimated population of approximately
1.7 million in 2017 (Auckland Council,
2017). The region covers 489,363 ha, of
which 50,550 ha constitute the core urban
area (Auckland Council, 2017). From
November 2010 the entire region fell under
the jurisdiction of the Auckland Council
(AC), formed after amalgamation of eight
different city and district councils. Auckland
has a population-weighted density of
approximately 4310 people per km
2
(source:
authors’ calculations based on 2013 census
data), and the population is evenly distribu-
ted outside the CBD (see Figure A1 in the
online Supplemental Material).
962 Urban Studies 58(5)