Helplessness to Hope: Cultural Transformations for the Maasai Girl-Child

HELPLESSNESS TO HOPE: CULTURAL TRANSFORMATIONS FOR THE

MAASAI GIRL-CHILD

Kelly Suzanne Bingham

Liberty University

A Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment

Of the Requirements for the Degree

Doctor of Education

Liberty University

April, 2011

Helplessness to Hope: Cultural Transformations for the Maasai Girl-Child

By Kelly Suzanne Bingham

A Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment

Of the Requirements for the Degree

Doctor of Education

Liberty University, Lynchburg, VA

April, 2011

APPROVED BY:

Randall Dunn, Ed. D. Chair August, 2011

Al Snyder, Ed. D. Committee August, 2011

Jeff Ritchey, Ed. D. Committee August, 2011

Scott Watson, Ph. D. Chair of Graduate Studies August, 2011

ABSTRACT

Kelly Suzanne Bingham. HELPLESSNESS TO HOPE: CULTURAL

TRANSFORMATIONS FOR THE MAASAI GIRL-CHILD. (Under the direction of Dr.

Randall Dunn), School of Education, April, 2011.

This study examined how the life dreams of the girls at the MTH Center of Hope in

Kenya are being altered as a result in a change of cultural experience. The center was

built as a place of rescue to protect Maasai girls from early marriage, FGM and extreme

poverty while allowing them to stay in school. The phenomenological study included

observations, interviews, focus groups and a questionnaire that was used to elicit

responses and begin dialogue. Results indicate that there is a definite need not only for

secondary and tertiary education for the girls but also to train the girls toward gainful

employment. Other results include educating the Maasai men on the destructive practices

toward females within the patriarchal society and allowing morality associated with

Christianity to permeate the culture that is imploding because the moral fiber of society is

being destroyed by witchcraft, evil and corruption.

Acknowledgments

I would like to thank my husband, Lance, for his unfailing support, input and

encouragement during this process. Not only did you read every word written multiple

times but you allowed me to read and write as you tended to the needs of our home and

family. I could not have found a man like you on my own – so glad God brought us

together. And to our two children by birth and now an additional one by marriage,

Brittany, Cody and ‘Blue’ who always knew I could do it and encouraged me to keep

doing the next thing. You guys inspire me so much more than you will ever know.

Thanks for loving me and allowing me to ‘stress’ every now and then.

I would also like to thank the many people who have partnered with our family in

our ministry in Kenya and provided both financial and prayer support for the three trips.

Thanks to the Binghams, Caswells, Rowlands, Johnsons, Parkers, my mom, Jean Harris,

and many others for your sacrificial giving to see the Kingdom of God advanced. Your

love for the Lord shines brighter than any star in the sky.

Thanks also to my Kenya family, the Hagens, for allowing me to stay in their

home with the most amazing view over the Rift Valley and driving me everywhere, every

time I needed another interview. You are amazing and your selfless example is such a

testimony to me. Thanks to Jacob and the staff at the rescue center as well as the 31 girls.

You are changing history and you probably don’t even fully realize it – your light is

shining and others see your good works and will glorify your Father in Heaven. How

privileged I am to participate in your lives. I pray our relationship continues for many

years and that you all become the culture changers that will improve the quality of life for

many girls who will follow.

Finally, thanks to my chair, Dr. Randall Dunn who encouraged and challenged

me. You are a great teacher and I’ve been privileged to have your guidance. Thanks also

to Dr. Jeff Ritchey, who was so willing to jump in and help accomplish the task – so glad

our boys have pole vaulting in common! Thanks to Dr. Al Snyder and his dear wife,

Evelyn. Dr. Snyder was not only a committee member but he and his wife took me to

Africa for the first time in 1987. My eyes were opened on that trip and my love for the

continent began – for that you will always hold a very special place in my heart. Thank

you so much. Finally, a very special thanks to Elizabeth Dalenberg who is an amazing

editor and dear friend – thank you for sharing your gift with me.

iii

Table of Contents

Acknowledgments............................................................................................................................ ii

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................. 1

Background .................................................................................................................................. 3

FGM ......................................................................................................................................... 5

Gender Disparity. ..................................................................................................................... 6

Problem Statement ....................................................................................................................... 9

Purpose Statement ........................................................................................................................ 9

Significance of the Study ........................................................................................................... 10

Research Question ..................................................................................................................... 12

Research Plan ............................................................................................................................. 12

CHAPTER TWO: REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ................................................................ 15

Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 15

Conceptual Framework .............................................................................................................. 17

Kenya demographics. ............................................................................................................. 20

District demographics. ........................................................................................................... 21

African religion. ..................................................................................................................... 23

Pastoralists ............................................................................................................................. 24

Background of the Maasai ..................................................................................................... 26

Community ............................................................................................................................. 31

Communally held land. .......................................................................................................... 31

Polygamy................................................................................................................................ 32

Female genital mutilation. ..................................................................................................... 34

Background of education in Kenya. ....................................................................................... 35

Integrating indigenous education ........................................................................................... 39

Schooling options in Kenya ................................................................................................... 40

Missions organizations and the Maasai. ................................................................................ 43

School feeding and uniform programs ................................................................................... 45

Poverty ................................................................................................................................... 46

Parental concerns ................................................................................................................... 47

Pregnancy and education ....................................................................................................... 51

The government’s responsibility ............................................................................................ 53

Microbusiness ventures .......................................................................................................... 54

Summary .................................................................................................................................... 56

CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY ..................................................................................... 58

Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 58

Research Question ..................................................................................................................... 58

Design ........................................................................................................................................ 59

Participants ................................................................................................................................. 60

Girls. .......................................................................................................................................... 62

Stakeholders. . ........................................................................................................................... 62

Setting/Site ................................................................................................................................. 62

Procedures .................................................................................................................................. 69

Meeting the girls. ................................................................................................................... 70

The Researcher’s Role ............................................................................................................... 71

Data Collection .......................................................................................................................... 73

Focus groups. ......................................................................................................................... 74

Interviews. .............................................................................................................................. 75

Observations. ......................................................................................................................... 77

Document Analysis. ............................................................................................................... 78

Data Analysis ............................................................................................................................. 79

Trustworthiness .......................................................................................................................... 82

Transferability ........................................................................................................................ 82

Ethical Considerations ............................................................................................................... 82

CHAPTER FOUR: RESULTS/FINDINGS.................................................................................. 84

Overview .................................................................................................................................... 84

Personal Experiences ................................................................................................................. 86

The Sisters. ............................................................................................................................. 86

Zahra ...................................................................................................................................... 90

Poppy ..................................................................................................................................... 92

Lotus ...................................................................................................................................... 94

Nydia ...................................................................................................................................... 95

Linnea .................................................................................................................................... 97

Asphodel ................................................................................................................................ 98

Themes ..................................................................................................................................... 100

Poverty ................................................................................................................................. 102

Education ............................................................................................................................. 106

Culture ................................................................................................................................. 116

Religion ................................................................................................................................ 126

Hope ..................................................................................................................................... 130

CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION ............................................................................................... 135

Summary of the Findings ......................................................................................................... 135

Discussion and Implications .................................................................................................... 136

Poverty ................................................................................................................................. 136

Culture ................................................................................................................................. 138

Religion ................................................................................................................................ 140

Education ............................................................................................................................. 142

Hope ..................................................................................................................................... 143

Limitations and Recommendations .......................................................................................... 146

Limitations ........................................................................................................................... 146

Delimitations ........................................................................................................................ 146

Recommendations for future research ................................................................................. 146

Conclusion ............................................................................................................................... 147

REFERENCES ............................................................................................................................ 149

APPENDIX A: IRB APPROVAL .............................................................................................. 161

APPENDIX B: CONSENT FORM FOR MINORS ................................................................... 162

Background Information ...................................................................................................... 162

Risks and Benefits of being in the Study ............................................................................. 162

APPENDIX C: CONSENT FORM FOR STAKEHOLDERS ................................................... 164

Background Information ...................................................................................................... 164

Risks and Benefits of being in the Study ............................................................................. 164

APPENDIX D: PARTICIPANT QUESTIONNAIRE ................................................................ 166

APPENDIX E: QUESTIONNAIRE FOR STAKEHOLDERS .................................................. 169

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION

This dissertation is a report of a phenomenological study that sought to

understand how the life dreams of the girls at the Mary and Tim Hooper (MTH) Center of

Hope are being altered as a result in a change of cultural experience. The MTH Center of

Hope is a rescue center in Southern Kenya for Maasai girls being forced into early

marriage and/or Female Genital Mutilation (FGM). Construction of the center began in

2008 under the direction of a church in the Southwestern United States. The globally

minded church congregation had been praying about a ministry opportunity in Africa for

some time. Through a series of events the church came into contact with Christ Church

Missions (CCM) in Nairobi, Kenya who informed the congregation of specific needs for

the Maasai girl-child.

The church then sent Tim and Mary Hooper to Kenya, and along with CCM and

the senior chief in the area, Chief Saitoti, the project began. Tim, who had owned his

own construction company in the U.S., began the process of constructing dorms that

would house rescued Maasai girls. Tim and Mary’s sending church raised the funds for

the purchase of the land and construction of all initial buildings. As girls began to arrive

at the center, individuals from the U.S. sponsored them. Sponsorships cover costs

associated with education, food, clothing, and medical care.

Everyone in the area knows of the center and is so appreciative that something

like this is available to girls in desperate need. A community center is also being

constructed on the site to host activities for families and community members. The

current capacity of the center is 31 but will eventually be 100. The first 31 girls arrived

at the center in April of 2010. Early in the selection process of the girls who would

eventually live at the rescue center, the Program Manager, Isaac Kimeli, realized that

there was a need to rescue girls from other tribes as well. With the approval of CCM, the

first 31 girls consist of 25 girls from the Maasai Tribe, one from the Luo Tribe, one from

the Meru Tribe, two from the Kikuyu Tribe, one from the Kamba Tribe, and one from the

Luhya Tribe. In this area of Kenya, a girl is referred to as a Girl-Child. This terminology

is used throughout the research study.

The girls have gone through an intensive screening process to prove desperate

need and legitimacy before being accepted into the program. Normally, the pastor, head

teacher, and chief of an area meet to discuss a girl in need. If it is deemed necessary,

because a girl’s life is in danger or she is to be immediately married, the chief may pull

the girl out of her home or living situation and house her temporarily in his own home.

Teachers also take girls into their homes temporarily to provide protection until a

permanent solution can be found. The chief then alerts the Children’s Department (which

receives over 100 calls each day for girls and boys in need and has local offices

throughout the district). The Children’s Department then contacts CCM. CCM

headquarters contacts Isaac Kimeli who conducts the interviews and field research for the

particular case. Isaac then meets with the committee, and they review the documentation

and determine if the center can take the girl.

The study was based primarily upon van Manen’s (1990) Hermaneutical

Phenomenology suggestions for human research utilizing observations, interviews,

interactions with and documentation of 31 girls living at the MTH Center of Hope. The

participants’ names as well as the name of the center, the names of schools, etc. are

pseudonyms to protect the participants’ identities. The first chapter of the dissertation

introduces the background, identifies the problem, states the purpose and significance of

the study, and provides an overall research plan.

Background

According to Aikman and Unterhalter (2006), “nearly three quarters of a billion

girls and women are being denied education” (p. 1). The 2010 United Nations

Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) Education for All (EFA)

Report stated that two-thirds of the 759 million adults lacking literacy skills today are

women. Sifuna (2006) added that, “the low levels of educational attainment, especially

for women, represent a very serious constraint on development in most of the Sub-

Saharan countries in general, and Kenya in particular” (p.85). The Maasai tribe of

Southern Kenya and Northern Tanzania has traditionally been a nomadic tribe, dependent

upon cows for their livelihood, traveling many miles in search of pastures, often in

remote locations. Because of this, their children often remain outside the system of

formal education. The development of schools and policies in remote areas has been a

slow process. The Maasai Association (2009) website stated that up to 60% of the

Maasai children in rural areas do not attend formal schools, and “only 8% of all girls in

rural areas of Maasailand have had a chance to complete Secondary School education”

(p.3).

The greatest hindrance to Maasai girls receiving an education is that they are

being sold into early marriage after undergoing Female Genital Mutilation (FGM). Once

married, the girls are no longer allowed to attend school. Because Maasai girls are seen

as having less value than cows, “fathers are more interested in acquiring cows than in

their daughter’s happiness. Many times girls are sold against their wills to old men

because the young men they really love don’t have the wealth of the older men” (Ludwig,

1972, p.104). Hofmann (2005), a European living among the Maasai said of her first

days in the area, “There were several marriages in the neighborhood. Mostly its older

men marrying their third or fourth wife: always young girls whose misery can be seen

written on their faces. It’s not unusual for the age difference to be thirty years or more”

(p.201).

Dr. Bill Rice (1968), who spent many months over several years in Africa said,

“The wife is completely the possession of her husband. The ordinary native is likely to

regard his wife in much the same way he regards his goat. She is important to him in

proportion to what she can do for him” (p.20). These words are still applicable today in

many parts of the world, certainly among many of the Maasai. Dineson (1938), a

European who lived in Africa for many years and owned her own farm there witnessed

an accident involving a girl being trampled one day and shared her thoughts,

I knew this would also mean a heavy loss for them (her parents), for the girl had

been of marriage-age, and would have brought them in her price of sheep and

goats and a heifer or two. This they had been looking forward to since her birth.

(p.102)

Another tradition still in practice among some Maasai today is shared sex among age

sets. Since the Maasai men are grouped together in age categories, when an older man

buys a new wife, no matter her age, she can be shared by any man in her husband’s age

group for sexual relations.

FGM. A Maasai custom which goes along with early marriage is Female Genital

Mutilation (FGM), once termed Female Genital Cutting (FGC). It is an issue that has

been “at the heart of the controversy in sub-Saharan Africa for the past century” (Prazak,

2007, p. 21). The procedure “surgically alter(s) and/or remove(s) portions of female

genitalia” (Coffman, 2007, p.21) in an effort to take away any sexual pleasure. The men

in this patriarchal society believe that this practice removes any sexual desire from the

girl so she will, therefore, remain faithful to the husband who purchased her. Dr.

Devereux (2006), a Scottish doctor who travels cross-culturally to carry out aid work,

came across a refuge of sorts outside of Nairobi where Maasai girls are taken in to protect

them from FGM. She said, “The girls, aged between seven and 10 years, have been

brought in with agreement from their tribal leaders. If these girls had remained in their

villages, they would have been forced to have FGM and been married soon afterwards”

(p.63). FGM is illegal in Kenya, but according to Casal (2010), “the law is rarely

applied against practitioners or parents who make their children undergo it. The Maasai

are a close-knit community who live largely by their own rules, and have resisted

modernisation” (para. 38).

I found it interesting, albeit maddening, to note that while FGM/FGC is also

illegal in the U.S., elusive wording from the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP)

(2010), suggested that nicking or incising the clitoral skin “is no more of an alteration

than ear piercing” and would “satisfy cultural requirements” (p.1092). In its

recommendations section, the AAP said that it “opposes all forms of FGC that pose risks

of physical or psychological harms” (p.1092). The question could then be posed, who is

the judge of physical or psychological harm? Is the nick just an appeasement of the

cultures requesting so much more? Since there are so many forms of FGM, where will

physicians stop in their accommodation of the cultural, religious or ethnic traditions of

the parents?

Gender Disparity. Another issue that has been greatly researched is gender

disparity in access to education on the continent of Africa and specifically, Kenya.

According to the Forum for African Women Educationalists (FAWE) (2009) website,

well over half of the out-of-school children worldwide are girls. Only 65% of African

girls who enter primary school (grades 1-8) will finish, and only 21% of African girls will

attend secondary school.

AIDS continues to be a growing concern and a major factor keeping girls out of

schools. Over 60% of those infected with AIDS are women, and there are over 1,000,000

orphans in Kenya because of the AIDS epidemic. When children are orphaned because

of AIDS, girls become the family care-takers (FAWE, p.4, and p.18).

Among the Maasai, culture and tradition keep the girls at home. Phillips and

Bhavnagri (2002) said that “the girls are expected to help their mothers in drawing water,

hewing wood, and plastering houses” (p.7). Isaac Kimeli (2009) who lives among the

Maasai and is the project manager for the center said that the Maasai men look at the girls

as a way out of poverty. By selling them, they can acquire cows, educate their boys, and

get food.

Given this cultural context, it is clear that mandating school for all is not

sufficient –educators and policy makers must also consider gendered cultural

expectations. We can’t ignore that these expectations are powerful forces within

any society and must be renegotiated if girls are to attend, be included in, and

remain in schools. (Gilmour, Burrell, Frederick, 2007, para. 3)

According to a 2005 report by the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and

Cultural Organization (UNECSO), gender parity has made great gains; gender equality

still faces many challenges. The report added, “What, then, does the transition from

parity to equality mean? It means intervening more proactively to address the structural

roots of gender inequalities” (p.10). The transition from parity to equality means getting

beyond policies that seem ambivalent and moving toward meaningful change for the

students involved. Gender parity can be measured quantitatively whereas gender equality

is measured qualitatively. The focus must be on the process of education, which includes

the learners themselves, the educational systems in which they are involved, and the total

environment, in order to determine equality.

Many organizations provide students in Kenya with a uniform and books so they

can attend school. While this has helped to get many children who would otherwise not

be allowed into the classrooms, it is not enough to bring about real change in society.

Meeting “on a common ground of human need” (Jenkins, 1992, p.14), is important but

not the stopping point. Corbett and Fikkert (2009) stated that “if we treat only the

symptoms or if we misdiagnose the underlying problem, we will not improve their

situation, and we might actually make their lives worse” (p.85). What changes long-term

if a girl is allowed to receive an education for a year, or maybe even several, if she must

return home to the same life of poverty, servitude and early marriage to an older man?

The oversight committee for the MTH Center of Hope believes that just as Jesus,

in the New Testament of the Bible, ministered to the physical needs of people, he also

ministered to their spiritual and emotional needs. His was a holistic concept. Yamamori,

Myers, Bediako and Reed (1996) stated that, “Jesus’ ministry embodied the idea of

welding evangelism with social action. The apostle Paul’s teaching and the life of the

early church continued the theme” (p.3). The belief of those who founded the center is

that they cannot simply provide relief from distress if the desire is to see long term,

societal change.

Yamamori et al. (1996) also said that people must “see themselves as witness to

the coming of the kingdom of God to a people, which in turn will reshape that people’s

sense of their past, their self-understanding and their vision of the future” (p. 186). Isaac

Kimeli (personal communication, December 28, 2009) said that the culture of the Maasai

Tribe hinders the development of the girl-child to become a whole person.

The genesis of this research formed during the summer of 2009 while I was

visiting the Maasai Tribe in Kenya, working mainly among the women and girls of the

tribe. With what was already known about oppression and abuse of the women and lack

of education among the females especially, hope seemed an anomaly. What could they

possibly hope for? According to Western standards, the people were poverty stricken;

the girls were enduring early forced marriage and FGM. Since these girls were observed

in school settings, could the hope be partially found in education?

In an effort to rescue the Maasai girls out of oppressive cultural traditions still

practiced by many in their tribe, the MTH Center of Hope is accepting girls that the

government agrees need to be removed from their current situations. The center is new in

the area and still undergoing construction. The first girls arrived at the center in April of

2010. While it was begun specifically because of the needs of girls in the Maasai Tribe,

the oversight committee realized similar needs in girls of other tribes and so has also

brought in a few girls from various tribes in the area. The staff and stakeholders are

committed to offering hope to the girls by allowing them a quality education and

providing a safe and nurturing atmosphere as well as nutritious food and other

necessities. They have begun to teach the girls trade skills and have started micro-

businesses so that the center can become self-sufficient as well as giving the girls the

tools to become self-sufficient adults.

Problem Statement

The lived experiences of the girls and women in oppressive, patriarchal cultures

are often ignored or at least set aside in favor of the overall humanitarian statistics – and

the statistics are staggering. While the official word from the 2008/2009 Kenya

Demographic and Health Survey Report is that just over one-quarter of women in Kenya

have been circumcised and fewer than 40% have been sexually abused. In working with

the Maasai and other tribes, one discovers that these percentages fall far short. While

many quantitative studies exist regarding poverty, early marriage, and FGM, this study,

being phenomenological in nature, seeks to understand how the life dreams of the girls at

the MTH Center of Hope are being altered as a result in a change of cultural experience.

Purpose Statement

The purpose of this study was to examine the sociocultural and educational

impacts of the MTH Center of Hope on the lives of 31 girls. Information regarding family

backgrounds, attitudes toward education, FGM, and early marriage as well as cultural

pressures was vital to understanding their situations before coming to the center and how

those issues impacted life while there. Factors leading these girls to become residents at

the center were varied and complex, although the common denominator was that

someone of influence in their family had chosen or was choosing a husband for them, and

they were to be married quickly.

Significance of the Study

Research on female oppression, tribal customs, and gender parity (or the lack

thereof) appears inexhaustible. Also much documentation is available regarding statistics

about improved quality of life for girls who have the opportunity to stay in school (see

Ferré, 2009, Aikman & Unterhalter, 2006, Sifuna, 2006). This study discusses the

intervention of a specific residential facility on the lives of Maasai (and other) girls. The

opportunities afforded the girls who come to live at the center could have dramatic

bearing on their lives, even changing the course of their futures.

The benefits of female education, especially in Third-World nations, are well

documented. Children born to educated women have better nutrition, a lower mortality

rate, and are more likely to be educated (see Duflo, Dupas & Kremer, 2010, Lesorogol,

2008, and Chirwa, 2008). Female education appears to reduce fertility rates, especially

for young girls. The longer a teenage girl stays in school, the less likely she will be to

have a child during school-age years. Shabaya and Konadu-Agyemang (2004) stated

that, “econometric studies within individual developing countries looking at the effects of

education on fertility found that an extra year of female schooling reduces female fertility

by 5-10%” (p.398). In a 2009 study conducted by The World Bank, Ferre` found that,

“One additional year of school curbs the probability of becoming a mother each year by

respectively 7.3 and 5.6% for women with at least a primary and at least a secondary

degree” (p.15).

Educated women play a more active role in their communities by becoming

involved in civic responsibilities and the labor force. As household income increases, it

positively affects the community and beyond. Education also impacts communication

skills which assist in dispelling the superior/inferior roles in a patriarchal society;

In principle, education makes women more aware and capable of claiming their

rights and less dependent on others (particularly male others such as fathers,

husbands, and brothers) for survival, expanding their opportunities and enabling

them to exercise more voice and choice in their lives. (Lesorogol, 2008, p.553)

Although there are other all-girl boarding schools in the district, the MTH Center

of Hope is attempting to minister to the whole person by providing nutritious food, a

beautiful facility, professional counseling, a quality education, instruction in faith and

personal responsibility, as well as learning different trades. As Paulo Freire (2009) put it,

the oppressed “must perceive the reality of the oppression not as a closed world from

which there is no exit, but as a limiting situation which they can transform” (p.49). The

center will soon house at least 100 girls who have been rescued out of similar situations

and who most certainly must believe that they have the ability to transform their culture.

Discussion generated by this study may provide other ways to help girls in third-

world nations living in poverty, under oppression, and without hope. UNESCO (2010)

admitted that the Education for All commitment is one of the most daunting tasks of all

“in a world with 700 million people living in forty-two highly indebted countries”. Their

challenge is “how to help education overcome poverty and give millions of children a

chance to realize their full potential”. In helping children to reach their full potential, the

key appears to be a whole person approach, not just providing education, employment,

counseling or other resources as stand-alone entities.

Research Question

How are the life dreams of the girls living at the MTH Center of Hope being

altered as a result of a change in cultural experience? I sought to examine specifically the

sociocultural and educational impacts of the center on the lives of the predominantly

Maasai group of girls living at the center.

Research Plan

The research study was analyzed from a qualitative perspective emphasizing a

phenomenological view into the perceptions of Maasai girls and how their culture, which

tends toward female oppression, affects them as a whole person. The leadership of the

MTH Center of Hope desires that the girls who come to live at the center will, once they

have completed their education, become active members of society, take responsibility

for their own actions, and become role models for other girls. Freire (2009) said that, “in

this way, the presence of the oppressed in the struggle for their liberation will be what it

should be: not pseudo-participation, but committed involvement” (p.69).

The girls were observed and interviewed both in their living environment, places

of activity outside of the center, and in their school settings. They were interviewed to

gain insight into their thoughts regarding being able to stay in school, living in a safe

environment, having proper nutrition, and other issues of life. Other local and national

officials were interviewed, both formally and informally to gain a better perspective of

the Maasai culture and also of their feelings toward the center itself.

On three separate occasions during a sixteen month period, I traveled to Kenya,

once to observe and twice for active research. On the first trip I observed girls in school

environments and as they participated in a track and field camp conducted by my

husband. On the second trip I observed and interviewed the girls in their living

environment at the center during their first month in residence and visited one of the

Forum for African Women Educationalists (FAWE) schools where some of the girls were

receiving remedial tutoring. I also interviewed several local officials and other key

stakeholders. The third trip consisted of spending time with the girls at the center and

visiting them in their schools, as well as interviewing the minister of education for the

district and other officials and stakeholders.

Through a variety of interactions, I was able to gather data on a broad range of

behaviors, thoughts, opinions, traditions, and policies. The typical life-course for the

Maasai girl includes a discontinuation of education at least by the end of Grade 8 if not

before, with circumcision and marriage to follow closely. By removing girls from this

sequence of events, the benefits to be gained by the girls are further education, skills in

income-producing trades, assumption of personal responsibilities, and trauma counseling.

Many of the girls studied have suffered malnutrition for quite some time. Because of

this, the oversight committee for the center hired a cook who is responsible for preparing

nutritious meals in conjunction with adequate portions.

As the oversight committee looks toward the future for the Maasai girls, they

believe that the bonding with those sharing a common goal of hope for the future will

encourage each girl to maintain the individual goals she sets for herself. The word hope

is broad in this context and can mean different things to each of the girls, but as they seek

to pursue productive opportunities, that pursuit can become an inspiration to others. This

could have a significant impact on the lives of the girls, their families, and potentially the

society as a whole.

CHAPTER TWO: REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

Introduction

Hofstede (1980) defined culture as “The collective programming of the mind which

distinguishes the members of one group or category or people from another” (p.260).

Much has been documented with regard to the oppression and abuse of women and

children on the continent of Africa. Throughout the previous six decades, the United

Nations and other organizations have addressed issues surrounding female rights and

oppression. In 1948, just after the Second World War, the U.N. adopted the Universal

Declaration of Human Rights (United Nations, 1948). While it was designed to protect

the rights of all, many believe that it fell somewhat short when it came to women and

children. Theresa Tobin (2008) believes that it “failed to provide adequate protection for

women” (p.522). She goes on to add that “the scope of rights protected against abuses

within the public realm, the realm of work and citizenship, and protected from external

interference in the private realm of family, religion, and culture” (p.522).

In 1959, the United Nations adopted the Declaration of the Rights of the Child. In

this document, it was declared that each child has a right to “develop physically,

mentally, morally, spiritually, and socially in a healthy and normal manner and in

conditions of freedom and dignity” (United Nations, 1959). Unfortunately, exceptions

are made to this declaration in different cultures and societies.

In 1979, the United Nations convened regarding the Elimination of All Forms of

Discrimination against Women. While it was a significant landmark in developing

strategies for the protection of women and women’s rights, it still met challenges

regarding what happens in the public versus the private sectors of life. In 1995, an

international women’s conference was held in Beijing. The Beijing Declaration and

Platform for Action was adopted to further aid in protecting the rights of women and

children as well as addressing issues such as poverty, education, and violence. In

reviewing the Beijing Declaration and the Beijing +5 review, Guerrina and Zalewski

(2007), say that there is evidence “that there remains an enormous gap between the

rhetoric and realities of women’s human rights, whereby women’s rights continue to be

contested in countries across the world and governments are often unwilling to fulfill

their international obligations” (p.5).

Elijah Baloyi (2010), a university professor in South Africa, says that, “It is

indisputable that African people, like many institutions in South Africa, are patriarchal,

hence the fact that many women are victims of the system” (p.1). Baloyi goes on to add

that, “cultural and traditional laws, rules and regulations were shaped by men alone, for

the benefit of masculine seniority at the expense of women” (p.1). This is evidenced in

tribes throughout many countries in Africa, including the Maasai tribe of Kenya.

This study focuses on issues within the Maasai culture, specifically regarding

adolescent and teenage girls. Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs (1968) and Freire’s Pedagogy

of the Oppressed (2009) are both examined in relationship to the plight in which the

Maasai girls find themselves. An analysis of the literature for this study found that the

topic of female oppression is as widespread and as varied around the world as there are

societies and cultures. Since it appeared that education was a key factor in helping girls

and women to overcome oppression, this study approached overcoming oppression and

other issues specific to the Maasai culture through an educational lens. Relevant research

covering education, religion and cultural issues such as early marriage, FGM, and

poverty are explored.

Conceptual Framework

The MTH Center of Hope in a Southern district of Kenya is becoming a safe

haven for some Maasai girls still living in some of the most extreme circumstances. As

the oversight committee brought girls in to the center, their main concern was protecting

the girls from early marriage and FGM and allowing them to stay in school. They have

now realized that even more is being accomplished. The study of the Maasai girls’

struggle closely parallels Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs theory. This is certainly not to

imply that these girls or those trying to help them are striving for self-deity or “that we

are simultaneously worms and gods” (Maslow, 1968, p.61). Rather, it describes a

systematic approach by the oversight committee to meet the needs of young girls as they

put into practice Matthew 6:33: “But seek first the kingdom of God and his

righteousness, and all these things will be added to you” (English Standard Version).

In Maslow’s (1970) book, Motivation and Personality, human needs were

categorized in a 5 tier pyramid (he later added an additional two tiers); progression to

higher levels occurs through motivation. Once the needs at the lower level are met, the

individual can progress to the next level of needs. Those who have always had their

basic needs satisfied will be better equipped in the future to handle the deprivation of

those needs. The girls in this study, however, did not have their basic needs met as young

children and, therefore, struggle in several of the lower levels, unable to progress to the

higher levels.

Maslow’s (1970) first tier is what he called our most basic or “physiological

needs”: food, water, shelter, sleep, etc. When humans are deprived of these basic needs,

they may resort to desperate means in order to obtain them. This was certainly true of

many of the girls in the study. Once the needs at this level are met, individuals are able

to move on to the second tier in the hierarchy which is that of “safety needs”: freedom

from fear, security, protection, law, order, limits, etc. Most, if not all, of these girls have

lived for some time in fear of early marriage, FGM, and abuse. The third tier is that of

belongingness and love. At this tier Maslow talked about the destructive effects of

moving too often, not having roots, and being taken from home and family. While the

Maasai consider themselves a tight-knit tribe, the girls are not allowed the luxury of love

and belonging to their birth family. Maslow’s fourth tier is called “esteem needs.” Those

who get their needs met at this level are secure, confident, and strong. Maslow added

that the "thwarting of these needs produces feelings of inferiority, of weakness, and of

helplessness” (p.21). Humans need to feel that they are contributing to something

worthwhile and are needed by their community, whatever that looks like. While females

play a vital role in the Maasai community, they are not respected or esteemed for their

roles. The last tier is “self-actualization.” This is the tier with which Christ Church

Mission (CCM), the mission organization that oversees the center, takes the most issue.

When taken to the extreme, it can mean that humans are trying to become little gods by

‘becoming one with the universe’, ‘true to themselves’, or ‘masters of their fate’. This is

obviously not what is meant by CCM or the oversight committee for the center since their

belief is that God has created humanity with a void only He can fill. The highest goal is

not self-fulfillment but a relationship with Jesus Christ. They believe and stress to the

girls that He created each person uniquely, with a specific plan and purpose for their

lives. While there is nothing wrong with understanding and expressing potential

academically, athletically, artistically, or through any other gift, their desire is that the

girls acknowledge the Creator and seek to understand His calling on and plan for their

lives. CCM, the committee, and all of those involved with the MTH Center of Hope

trust that each girl who comes through the gate will know that they have potential to

become culture-changers, that they can grow personally, and that the same God who

created them also loves them unconditionally and seeks an intimate relationship with

them. In this way, their faith in Christ is the fulfillment of the hierarchy of needs.

Hope is a term that is discussed over and over at the MTH Center of Hope. Hope

is also a term that Paulo Freire (2009) addressed extensively in his book, Pedagogy of the

Oppressed: “The dehumanization resulting from an unjust order is not a cause for

despair but for hope, leading to the incessant pursuit of the humanity denied by injustice.

Hope, however, does not consist in crossing one’s arms and waiting” (p.92). Freire

believed that dialogue is a key element in bringing about change in culture and society.

He stated, “to alienate human beings from their own decision-making is to change them

into objects” (p.85). In order for the change to take place, the oppressed must not

internalize what the oppressor thinks, believes, and dictates. In a situation of isolation

this would be a difficult task, but where there are peers striving for change together, they

are able to find their voice, and hope becomes reality. When united with others, there is a

stirring of hope, and dreams can come to life. Out from under manipulation and

domination a sense of dignity emerges, change becomes a possibility, and the oppressed

become involved in their own process of liberation.

But it must not end there. In order for society to change, there must be hope for

the oppressor as well. As Freire so aptly put it, “as the oppressors dehumanize others and

violate their rights, they themselves also become dehumanized” (p.56). He added,

In order for this struggle to have meaning, the oppressed must not, in seeking to

regain their humanity (which is a way to create it), become in turn oppressors of

the oppressors, but rather restorers of the humanity of both. (p.44)

That is why the oversight committee is made up of many Maasai people (both male and

female) and why the district chief has gotten so involved with the project. The project is

about more than just saving girls; it is about coming alongside those who realize what is

wrong in the culture and helping them to bring about lasting change. While the center is

rescuing girls in desperate situations, the leaders also want to reach out to the girls’

families and communities. It is only through a unified effort that the real, lasting, societal

change will occur.

The Maasai girls, being taken out of the environments where they are subjected to

physical and sexual abuse and placed in an environment where there is not only

protection and provision but cohesion of purpose and freedom of expression, will

potentially gain strength and purpose within the community. As the girls are empowered,

(if the theories are correct), communities will be empowered and lasting societal change,

negating abuse and oppression, will take place. Focus will shift away from quality of

education for some and be placed on quality of life for all.

Kenya demographics. Kenya is on the east coast of the continent of Africa. The

Equator runs through the middle of the country. The Indian Ocean is on its southeast

border, while also bordering the countries of Tanzania, Uganda, Sudan, Ethiopia and

Somalia. According to an International Institute for Educational Planning (IIEP) Report

in 2004, Kenya’s population is currently over 30 million. English is the official language

and Kiswahili is the national language. Christianity is the largest religion followed by

African Worship, Islam, and Hinduism. Eight provinces are divided into 75 districts.

Fifty-six percent of the population lives below the poverty line. Just over 90% of the

primary age children attend schools, and only 50% of those students will move on to

secondary education (pp. 21-22).

District demographics. According to the District Strategic Plan by the National

Coordinating Agency for Population and Development (2005), the district in which the

center is located is one of 18 in the Rift Valley Province with a population of just under a

half million. Nairobi is to its north, and Tanzania is to its south. The topography of the

district consists of flat plains and volcanic hills. Life expectancy in the district is 43

years. The doctor/patient ratio is 1:66,412. HIV prevalence is 13% and increasing at a

rate of 2.5% every five years. There are a recorded 6,000 AIDs orphans in the district.

Just over 50% of primary age children in the district attend school, and only about 5,000

of the 36,000 secondary age children attend school. One issue associated with education

that the district is seeking to address is the “accessibility and cultural issues to improve

school enrollment and completion rates in the district” (Education section, p.6).

Additionally, according to the District Strategic Plan, the district officers formed

teams of people to look at the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats (SWOT)

(p.2) in their areas. Findings show that the largest threat in the district is illiteracy, which

is directly attributed to poverty (p.7). Parents’ inabilities to finance their children’s

education as well as the early marriages of many young girls are contributing factors to

the illiteracy problem. The HIV/AIDS crisis plays a major role as well, especially in the

urban areas of the district where there is drug abuse and an uncontrolled commercial sex

industry. Because of the close proximity to Nairobi, many people have migrated to the

district.

The Maasai live in the drier, less populated areas of the district. Chief Saitoti

(personal communication, April, 2010) said that they continue to be pushed further and

further into the semi-arid and arid areas because of land development and farming. This

takes their children further away from schools and a chance at education.

In “Chapter 4: Gender Perspectives in Development” of the District’s Strategic

Plan, the identified “Main Issues/Problems” were the following:

 Low representation of women in education and employment

 Harmful cultural practices (e.g. FGM)

 Low representation of women in key institutions

 Low participation of women in the decision making process

 Female headed households

 Profound gender disparities in provision of education and attainment of education

at all levels of schooling

The District Strategic Plan outlined programs and key institutions that can help

address problems in the area and have also set in place monitoring and evaluation efforts

to analyze the effectiveness of its programs (p.21). They have quarterly meetings and

reports, as well as annual reports and field visits. The evaluations then determine the

impact and success of the programs for the people.

African religion. The Maasai, and African people in general, think and act

communally rather than individually, knowing that any decision an individual makes

affects not just themselves but their community as well. Communities dictate who their

children are and what they can become. Samuel Kunhiyop (2008), in his book, African

Christian Ethics, said, “The idea of ‘we’ and ‘us’ is entrenched in Africans right from

childhood, so that as they grow they know that they belong to and must function within

the community in which they are rooted” (p. 20). Traditional beliefs and assumptions run

deep in African societies. Therefore, while a community, tribe, or society may convert to

Christianity or any other religion, they are still rooted in tradition associated with gods or

the spirits of ancestors and their ethics are based on African morality. While many

believe in God, they feel He is distant and has assigned His duties to intermediaries. It is

to these intermediaries that the African may feel allegiance. Elizabeth Gilbert (2003),

who lived among the Maasai for several years while photographically journaling their

culture said,

The Maasai believe in one God, Enkai, who is the master of creation. They pray

to him daily, often asking for rain and prosperity. But for spiritual guidance, and

on pressing matters of health, business, or love, the Maasai consult laibons, who

are the vision seekers of the tribe. Laibons prefer to live in the hills, where the

altitude and the view inspire spiritual connection. (p. 27)

While many African Christians believe in the Triune God and salvation through

Jesus Christ, they also believe in witchcraft, which is responsible for sickness, death and

any form of evil. Whatever cannot be explained, the coincidental or a natural cause can

be accounted for by witchcraft. Christians must take seriously the belief in witchcraft as

it has been firmly planted in the lives of many Africans from childhood.

One is forced to ask the question: why does the African, in times of human crisis,

revert back to non-Christian practices? This appears to be the rule rather than the

exception because the African’s past has been ignored and no attempt has been

made to penetrate it with the regeneration power of the gospel message.

(Oosthuizen as cited in Kunhiyop, 2008, p. 385)

With that in mind, it is easy to see why the Maasai, as well as other African tribes,

function under an ethical system that is greatly flawed.

Pastoralists

Pastoralist societies in East Africa (Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda) face more demands

on their way of life than at any previous time. Population growth, loss of herding

lands to farmers, ranchers, game parks, and urban growth, increased

commoditization of the livestock economy, outmigration by poor pastoralists, and

dislocations brought about by drought, famine, and civil war are increasing

throughout the region. (Fratkin, 2001, p.1)

Thirteen million pastoralists are said to live on the continent of Africa; that is

roughly half of all the pastoralists in the world. While only five percent of Kenya’s

populations are considered pastoralists, they occupy seventy per cent of the land (p.23).

Since they are in the minority, they have very little voice in government policies and

economic issues. A typical pastoralist diet consists of milk, blood obtained from a living

cow by sticking a dart in the jugular vein, and meat. Ugali, which is a type of cornmeal

mush, is also eaten. Fratkin (2001) says that the caloric intake of pastoralists is around

1,000 calories per day. The people tend to have low body mass, vitamin deficiencies, as

well as energy deficiencies.

Knowing that there are predictable droughts every five to six years in East Africa

which will account for devastating livestock losses, the pastoral Maasai told me in 2010

that they try to build up their herds in years when there is more rain. They are not as

much concerned about quality as they are quantity. One such drought occurred between

two of my visits. In the summer of 2009 I was part of a team who took 2,000 pounds of

food into two different villages within a couple of hours from the center. One of the

villages had just lost seven children to starvation. Before I returned in April of 2010, a

devastating drought occurred, and the Hoopers related that they could not go anywhere in

the area without smelling decomposing cattle. In Northeast Africa, tribes are involved in

violent clashes over water and pasture resources. A high population growth rate in much

of Eastern Africa creates more of a strain on valuable natural resources. Fratkin (2001)

stated that “In the Maasai area of Kajiado District in southern Kenya, for example, the

population grew from 22,000 (1948) to 86,000 (1969) to 149,000 (1979) to 250,000

(1989), yielding an average growth of 3.5 percent” (p.12). While the Maasai and other

pastoral tribes seem to adapt well to drought conditions, part of that adaptation is a simple

acceptance of death and destruction during those times of severe drought.

Historically, pastoralists have not owned land or water resources. They were

simply free to roam and graze wherever they could find resources for their livestock. To

a certain extent, this is still the case in Kenya; however, in the 1980s with help and

encouragement from the World Bank, the government began deeding land in five to ten

acre plots. This created permanent grazing boundaries for pastoralists, further limiting

their natural resources in already arid or semi-arid areas.

Background of the Maasai

The most picturesque people in East Africa are those of a tribe which has changed

little of its ways since the advent of the White Man—the Masai. The tourist,

when he spots a Masai herding his beloved cattle, or leaning gracefully on the haft

of his long bladed spear, cannot but feel the spirit of Africa of yesterday. (Kilusu,

as cited in Hodgson, 1999)

According to the Maasai Education Discovery website, the Maasai, who were

originally from Northern Africa, migrated south and settled in what is now Kenya and

Tanzania in the seventeenth century. They have traditionally been pastoralists, raising

cattle, goats and sheep. They were once fierce warriors, feared by the Europeans who

were trying to settle the area. During what is now known as the ‘Scramble for Africa”

(1890-1900), many countries sent exploration teams to the continent to start colonies.

Because the British especially liked the rich highlands of Kenya, they began to push the

Maasai to the lower plains which were not nearly adequate for the grazing of their

livestock.

The British built schools and forced some of the Maasai to attend them. Most

Maasai rebelled against this. In fact, during the colonial period,

The Maasai couldn’t understand why they should send their children away to

receive knowledge for which they felt they had no use. Preferring to keep their

children at home, the Maasai kidnapped dozens of Kikuyu youths and enrolled

them in school as their own. (Gilbert, 2003, p. 47).

The Maasai began to detest the British and Western education. They weren’t the

only tribe to feel the pressure from the British, and in 1952 the Mau Mau Uprising began.

This was a conflict between the British Army and many tribes in Kenya, mainly the

Kikuyu. The conflict lasted for eight years and led to eventual freedom from the

domination of the outside world. In 1963 Kenya gained her independence, and the

government focused on educating its people. Many ethnic groups began integrating with

Western education, but the Maasai continued to feel that their cultural education would

benefit their communities the best. Today, some of the Maasai are realizing that

education is the key to helping them progress in a modern and changing world (Maasai

Education Discovery website, History and Education sections). Some of the ones who

feel that way have been asked to sit on the oversight committee for the MTH Center of

Hope.

The Maasai are now localized in three districts in Tanzania and two districts in

Kenya. According to the Kenya Information Guide website, the Maasai tribe only

account for about 0.7% of the population of Kenya (Authentic People section, para.1).

Children walk many kilometers in the region to reach their schools.

Cultural beliefs among the Maasai, who are the dominant ethnic group in the

district, have affected children’s education and especially that of girls. The

practice of early marriage was found to be most pronounced in the Kajiado

district, where girls are married at a young age (under 15 years) and often to

older, wealthy men in order to fetch a good dowry, which in this region takes the

form of cattle. (Elimu Yetu Coalition, 2003, pp.107-108)

The Kenya Maasai live in a country where the economy is poor, placing them at a

greater disadvantage because of drought and lack of available land for grazing. While

they focus on survival, oftentimes the resources simply are not available to send children

to school. Besides, for many their “basic argument is that school curricula are developed

by sedentary people for sedentary people (or even by urban dwellers for urban dwellers)

and are therefore largely irrelevant to nomads’ experiences and concerns” (Carr-Hill &

Peart, 2005, p.55). They also complain that if their girls go to school, it would cause a

breakdown of tradition and culture. Hodgson (2005) found that “if a Maasai girl did not

marry, there would be no bridewealth or new alliances with other families, and her father

and later her brothers would probably have to support her throughout her life” (p.123).

Maasai huts are made from cow dung and sticks. A group of these huts forms a

manyatta. A thick fence of thorn bushes usually surrounds a manyatta to keep wild

animals out. Cows and goats are brought into the manyatta each night for safety.

Usually all who live inside one manyatta are descendents from one or two great-

grandfathers. Since the male gender of Maasai is grouped together in age sets,

traditionally, when they reach the older teen years they become morans, or junior

warriors. Isaac Kimeli explained the moran age set in great detail to me in April of 2010.

The morans are initiated together and circumcised and then sent away from the manyattas

for several years while they hunt, steal, and carouse. It is at this initiation time that boys

who want to stay in school must make a very difficult decision. Those whose parents are

becoming enlightened to the benefits of education have a much easier time convincing

their parents to allow them to remain in school than those whose parents are of the old

ways and believe that the morans will protect the manyattas, communities, and cattle. As

a moran, these boys were traditionally expected to kill a lion to prove their manhood.

This custom is slowly dying out because of the laws preventing the killing of lions in

Kenya.

The typical traditional, Maasai dress for men is a simple shuka or red plaid cloth

or blanket that is tied around the waist and over one or both shoulders. According to

Chief Saitoti (personal communication, April, 2010), red, they believe, is a symbol of

power. He also said that they believe that their cattle are their wealth and that God gave

all cattle to the Maasai. They do not care about the quality of the cattle, only the

quantity. They carry a ball-ended club called a rungu which can be used as a very

dangerous weapon. The morans also dye their hair with red ochre, a type of clay that

they sometimes mix with the blood and fat of cows. The women also wear brightly

colored fabrics that are tied in much the same way, only with more modesty. Both

women and men wear ample amounts of beading. Oftentimes, the earlobes are stretched

to make all-flesh earrings which nearly touch the shoulder. Most Maasai also knock out

one or two of their bottom front teeth which is seen as adding to their allure and also as a

convenience for drinking milk through gourds.

The Maasai women know their place, which at different points in their sons’ lives

can be very important. Some of the Maasai women related to me that the women are

typically the ones who pray to God (Eng’ai) on behalf of their families and animals. The

older their sons become, the more they are respected. When their sons leave the moran

stage of life, it is the mothers who are privileged with shaving their long hair which is

symbolic of the son becoming a junior elder. The women make up songs about their sons

and husbands, telling of their accomplishments or even ridiculing those who have failed

to live up to the standards of the clan. In fact, “elders who transgressed age set

regulations about incest with their real or classificatory daughters faced even harsher

repercussions: groups of women (olkishiroto) mobbed to beat the guilty elder and seize

and slaughter his cattle” (Spencer, 1988, p.206). Dorothy Hodgson (1999), who has

spent years studying the Maasai, said,

The reputation of each homestead depended on the success of each category of

person in fulfilling these responsibilities. Women played central roles in the

pastoral economy as milk managers, caring for young and sick animals, and as

traders. They controlled the production and distribution of milk within the

homestead and held rights in other livestock products such as hides. (p. 125)

Different groups, and even the government, have tried at times to modernize the

Maasai, especially in Tanzania. However, ‘modern’ often looked very ‘Western.’

According to a 2006 article by Leander Schneider, at one time, the government of

Tanzania even tried refusing medical attention, public transportation, and access to

restaurants to improperly (according to Western cultures) dressed Maasai (p.107). There

are those who, under false pretense, want to preserve the traditional dress and customs of

the Maasai because of their desire to please tourists. Neither position has seemed to faze

the Maasai as they appear preoccupied with a simple dislike of other tribes and cultures.

According to Chief Saitoti (personal communication, April, 2010) most traditional

Maasai do not feel that they are in a ‘predicament’ or affected by poverty or ignorance.

They consider their culture and traditions to be meaningful, and they are fully dedicated

to the perpetuation of them.

Community. The Maasai are a tight-knit community. They see themselves as

collectivists rather than individualists. They are defined by their family, community, and

property. Those who have grown up in the same village, surrounded by the same family

and friends show the least amount of self-awareness. Their goal is to live in harmony

with others while practicing the same cultural and social lifestyle that their ancestors have

for hundreds of years. Ma and Schoeneman (1997), who studied self-concepts in Kenya

said that “childrearing practices emphasize teaching children that they are an organic part

of that unit. As a result, children are trained to work together and help one another”

(p.264). They also point out that since the focus is on the whole, parents rarely spend

extensive individual time with any one child. In the Maasai tribe, socialization for the

men is centered on their age groups and initiation ceremonies. For the women it centers

on home life: children, beading, drawing water and collecting fire wood. Interestingly,

Ma and Schoeneman’s findings state the female tribal responses were even more

collectivistic than the men’s. This is attributed to the women staying closer to home and

having fewer opportunities to attend school. The men spend more time away from the

home around towns and interacting with others which, in turn, gives them more Western

exposure.

Communally held land. Where once there was free, open range in the district,

fences are now seen dividing the land into individually owned plots where cattle can no

longer graze without restriction. Where once herds of 100 or more cattle per family were

normal, today because of drought and the declining open range, there are more herders

than cows in some areas. This has been devastating to the Maasai. In a 1994 article,

Hillman stated,

Deprived of economic security, the gradual disintegration of the Maasai

ethnocultural world is predictable, thereby increasing dramatically the numbers of

destitute young men roaming about without the guidance of their traditional

norms of human behavior, and without the restraints of their social institutions.

(p.64)

The Maasai never set out to sell off their land. According to Isaac Kimeli

(personal communication, April, 2010), because of their lack of education and

understanding of modern land laws, they have been deceived and manipulated. Some

who have lost their cattle but still have a few acres have tried their hand at farming. Long

term prospects for farming in Maasailand are tenuous at best. Rains, especially in the

researched district, are erratic, and drought is certain every few years. The soil is non-

conducive for regular crop growth, and the Maasai do not have formal training in crop

rotation or soil conservation. Because of diminishing livelihood, some, including

Hillman, are suggesting that the Maasai could be headed toward cultural disintegration

and their land toward an ecological disaster.

Polygamy. Many Maasai still practice polygamy. In a 2008 study of polygamy in

Africa, Falen said that “most scholars contend that polygynous marriage shows no clear

signs of decline in Africa and is unlikely to disappear in the immediate future” (p.56).

Christian missionaries have fought against this issue and tried to convince Africans that

monogamous relationships are the ideal since first encountering the concept a hundred

years ago. In spite of this, Kunhiyop (2008) said, “polygamy is not dying out. It is still

practiced by old and young, educated and uneducated, religious and pagan, Christians

and non-Christians” (p.223). In some cultures and tribes the missionaries have been

convincing, but the Maasai are resistant to change even in this area.

Not every man can afford to have more than one wife. Hetherington (2001) said

that “the ability of a man to take a second wife depended on his accumulation of enough

resources to provide a second payment of bride-wealth” (p.162). Those who can afford

more than one wife may not always have their wives live in different areas. Chief Saitoti,

the chief for the district under study, is an example of this. He has two wives, and they

both live within the same manyatta and appear to get along rather well. Oftentimes, there

does seem to be a certain amount of a hierarchy among the wives, though. Kandiyoti

(1988) found that “Subordination to men is offset by the control older women attain over

younger women” (p.279).

Isaac Kimeli (personal communication, April, 2010) discussed the Maasai and

their beliefs regarding marriage with me. He said that the Maasai girl-child has no say in

whom she will marry. In a patriarchal society, all matters related to females are dictated

by fathers, husbands, brothers, and elders in the name of preservation of the tribe. Cattle,

goats, beer, blankets, etc. must be exchanged for a marriage to take place. However, in

times of severe drought when animals are scarce, even a token bridewealth is acceptable

or may be paid out over several years. Other tribes such as the Gusii, who live in

Southwestern Kenya, have allowed women to argue their miserable marriage

arrangements in court. Although most tribal women realize that physical abuse will be

part of their marriage, according to a study on the Gusii tribe, if women feel that the

abuse has “risen to an unacceptable level of brutality” (Shadle, 2003, p.253), they may

protest the marriage in front of a tribal court. Other reasons for potential dissolution of

the marriage could be infertility or failure to pay the full bride wealth payment. Shadle

also found that for the Gusii, “Couples pushed the elders to look beyond the cold facts of

cattle exchanges to what was (to their minds) the other essential aspect of marriage, a

woman’s consent” (p.252). While most Maasai women would agree with this statement,

most Maasai men would find it laughable. For some of the Gusii women who could not

convince the elders that their marriages needed to be absolved and did not have the

backing of their birth families, running away and choosing a life of prostitution to support

themselves seemed the only solution. Others who did not want to give up their dreams of

marriage and children consented to live a life of servitude, at times under the worst of

circumstances.

Female genital mutilation. Along with polygamy and early marriage in the

Maasai culture is Female Genital Mutilation (FGM). This can occur anytime between

birth and age 13. According to Chief Saitoti (personal communication, April, 2010)

FGM is so deeply ingrained in the Maasai society that many believe to not perform this

ritual would cause terrible repercussions for the girl, her family, and anyone who would

dare to marry her. The often overlooked realities of FGM experienced by many girls are

that many suffer from infections, mutilation, and even death from the procedure.

President Moi, who was Kenya’s president from 1978 until 2002, outlawed FGM in 1982

after 14 girls from one district died from associated infections. While the Maasai still

perform FGM in the bush with a sharp piece of glass, razor, or knife, many other tribes

now have licensed medical professionals perform the procedure in clinics and hospitals.

No anesthetic is given since none is available in the bush, and generally, several strong

women hold down the girl who is undergoing the procedure. Both men and women

perform FGM, and they are usually considered the witchdoctor in their area. As

mentioned before, the practice is illegal in Kenya; however, no one seems to be

prosecuted even though it is a common practice. According to Gruenbaum, “this lack of

commitment may be attributed to the fact that the laws enacted to criminalize this

practice were the byproducts of external pressure and did not reflect the desire of the

local people to suppress the tradition” (as cited in Wangila, 2007, p.401). In a 1996 study

of women who said they would not allow the procedure to be performed on their

daughters, the three main reasons cited were that it violated teachings from the Bible, that

it was difficult to find someone to perform it, and that it was expensive. The authors of

the study found it interesting that no one cited the fact that it was illegal as a reason for

not allowing it (Robertson, p.630).

Background of education in Kenya. Since its independence, Kenya has

operated on the 8-4-4 system; eight years of primary education (called ‘standards’), four

years of secondary education (called ‘forms’) and four years of college or university.

According to the 2005 Sessional Paper from the Ministry of Education, Science and

Technology of Kenya, the “longer term objective of the Government is to provide every

Kenyan with basic quality education and training, including 2 years of pre-primary, 8

years of primary and 4 years of secondary/technical education” (p.1). One of the main

purposes in setting this goal is to help eliminate poverty, disease, and illiteracy in the

country. The government does realize it has its work cut out for it because later in the

same Sessional Paper they stated that “despite increased enrolment, the sector is still

faced with issues of access, equity, and quality” (p.4).

While many factors contribute to the negative impact on education, economic

issues in recent years have come into the spotlight. These include the decline of

agriculture, tourism, and manufacturing. “It is important to note that the poor

performance of the economy has been manifested by low enrollment, low transition rates,

dropout and completion rates, especially among girls and children from poor households”

(Sessional Paper, 2005, p.14). The paper added that the population living in poverty has

risen from 48.8% in 1990 to 56.8% in 2004.

Another factor weighing in heavily and keeping children out of school is the

HIV/AIDS pandemic ravaging much of the continent of Africa. While statistics vary

among organizations as the exact percentages of those infected with the virus, it is safe to

say that between eight and fourteen percent of all Kenyans are currently infected

(Sessional Paper, 2005, p.18). Children who are born with HIV/AIDS do not live long

enough to go to school. Most children who are orphans because of HIV/AIDS find it

difficult to stay in school. Others must stay at home and care for family members

infected with the disease.

Primary education targets children ages six through thirteen and students must

pass the Kenya Certificate of Primary Education (KCPE) exam which determines their

admission to secondary school. Ozier (2010) said, that “when students take the exam,

they indicate a list of secondary schools they would prefer to attend, including one or two

from each of three tiers of secondary schools: national, provincial, and district” (p.2).

The higher one scores on the exam, the better secondary school he or she may be able to

attend, provided he or she has the funds. Secondary education targets children ages 14-

17, and at the end of form four students again take a national exam called the Kenya

Certificate of Secondary Education (KCSE). Depending on how well one does on this

exam, he or she may be able to gain admission into tertiary institutions with the help of

low interest loans from the government or enter the workforce.

From its independence in 1963 to the early 1980s, education was free in Kenya.

Omatseye & Omatseye (2008) said that “education provided in these public schools was

free, but in the 1980s, with their economy deteriorating and government funding to

schools reduced drastically, fees were gradually introduced in 2001” (p.105). As the fees

increased, more children from poor and rural areas had to drop out because they could not

afford the costs. In 2003, President Mwai Kibaki’s government declared that primary

education must once again be free and compulsory for all children; it was called the Free

and Compulsory, Universal Basic Education program (FCUBE). Once again, education

on the primary level became attainable for poor and rural children. However,

An estimated 1.5 million children, who were previously out-of-school, have

turned up to attend classes…classrooms are bulging like never before…In many

schools, teachers have been forced to do shift work with separate groups of

children in the mornings and afternoons, for no extra pay. (Mathooko, 2009,

p.152).

Parents still have to pay for uniforms, books, and other essentials which continue to keep

some of the poorest out of school. The Maasai Community Partnership Project website

stated, “Standardized curriculum promotes Christianity, English language to the

exclusion of mother tongues, and is typically critical of pastoral lifestyles. All of this and

more impose challenges on Maasai families desiring education for their children”

(Education section, para.2). Secondary schools still cost money to attend, and many

students, in order to obtain a secondary education, must have a sponsor if their parents

cannot afford tuition, fees, books, and uniforms. President Mwai Kibaki initiated free

secondary education in 2008, but the success rate has not been at the same level as the

free primary education initiative because the criteria seem to benefit the wealthy (Mr.

Koyati, District Minister of Education, personal communication, October, 2010).

Much has been discussed about Africanizing curriculum used in schools across

the continent. As stated elsewhere in this paper, the Maasai believe that education begins

in the home and community. Young children are taught everything from religion to

medicinal herbs and all other cultural issues in between. Education is seen as a part of

the people which cannot be separated from who they are. Since much of the Maasai

culture is based on age sets or grades, children learn specific things at certain times with

other children their same age (Ruth, Maasai Matron, MTH Center of Hope, personal

communication, October, 2010). Learning which plants can be fed to cows during a time

of drought is imperative for the Maasai child to know, although this is typically not

something the child would learn in a conventional classroom. The Maasai are dependent

upon natural resources and must know and understand a certain amount of management

of them. Most, if not all, of this type of education is passed down orally from generation

to generation through stories, songs, proverbs, etc. It is how the Maasai preserve their

identity and perceive themselves in their communities. Older, illiterate relatives are not

despised for their lack of formal education; rather they are praised for the knowledge of

history, culture, custom and tradition. The ideal situation for Maasai children in a

traditional school setting would be one that combines the education and oral traditions of

the past with reading, writing and arithmetic.

Curriculum planners therefore need to understand and appreciate variations in

“local knowledge” by identifying unifying themes, which can provide a direct link

to the experience of most, if not all of the learners in a particular area, and can be

readily adapted through participative processes to fit each local situation.

(Omolewa, 2007, p.606)

When teachers and curriculum can take students from their point of origin and actively

integrate school subjects with previous knowledge, both types of education are validated,

and the older generations would potentially accept formal schooling for future

generations.

Integrating indigenous education. Jenipher Owuor (2007) studied this concept

extensively. She believed that the uniqueness of each society and its indigenous

knowledge must be incorporated into formal education. This is quite a challenge in

Kenya where she said there are 42 ethnic communities, most living in rural areas (p.23).

Indigenous education has developed over hundreds of years and involves every aspect of

life, something formal education does not attempt to do. Initially, formal education was a

Western concept brought to Kenyans by missionaries trying to use it primarily as a

proselytizing tool. It included no indigenous education simply because the missionaries

had no long term knowledge of tribal life.

The Ominde Report of 1964, Kenya’s first education report post-independence,

was the first to suggest an integrating of both indigenous and formal education. The goal

was for education to be the intercessor between cultures from the macro level down to the

micro level. As one can imagine, integrating 42 different ethnicities into formal

curriculum has proven to be quite a task. Owuor and others believed that one cannot

group all ethnicities into one and package it as indigenous knowledge and then

incorporate it into the national curriculum. She believed that each group deserved to

have its unique features highlighted during curriculum development.

Unfortunately for Kenyans, the British influence and the influence of many

foreign teachers is still impacting curriculum development. Until indigenous personnel

have a stronger voice, the validity of the kinds of knowledge that need to be disseminated

will be determined by someone outside of the culture. This is also affected by Kenya’s

dependence on foreign donors to help with educational reforms. That dependence has

caused the curriculum to look more global than national or cultural. Oftentimes, this

means a curriculum addressing issues that do not apply to the socio-economic problems

in rural Kenya. Owuor (2007) concluded by stating:

It is only through playing leading roles in shaping their own destiny in

development of their communities that Kenyan students can be able to appreciate

working with outsiders in a reciprocal way with the understanding that both

parties have knowledge that can be shared and valued. (p.35)

Schooling options in Kenya. Harambee schools, also known as self-help schools

began to populate the landscape in Kenya between 1963 and 1977. Keller (1983) stated

the following:

The tradition of self-help, it was argued, more than anything else made it seem

only natural that the people begin to do things for themselves, when the

government was unable to meet all their demands. It was in this context that the

modern-day harambee school movement began. (p.57)

Recognizing the need for schools for their children, communities got together, gathered

funds however they could, and erected a school. In Swahili the word Harambee means

“let us all pull together.” Oftentimes, as the government saw that a school was showing

some success, it would take over and provide the support needed to maintain it year after

year. Today, there are hundreds of Harambee schools in Kenya among many tribes, but

for the Maasai communities, there is only one (Mr. Koyati, personal communication,

October, 2010). Whether this is because of a traditional dislike for education outside

their culture or because of poverty or maybe a combination of both is unclear. Sifuna

(2005) believed that “the pastoralist communities’ inability to finance the expansion of

educational facilities reflected the unstable nature of the pastoralist economy along with

the lack of policy to develop the livestock market in these areas” (p.504). Sifuna

continued, “Given such relatively deep-seated conservatism, many pastoralist

communities generally regard schooling with deep suspicion, as it is said to make their

children abandon their cultural practices” (p.514). One Maasai father was quoted in The

Economist as saying, “We pick out the brightest children, those with the most potential,

and then send them off with the goats. It takes brains to identify each animal, find water,

and ward off cattle rustlers. School is for those who are less quick” (“No Swots, Please”,

2002). This father’s brightest son tends the flocks; the other goes to school. Since the

Maasai rely on their children for labor, time spent in school with books is seen as wasted

to those who hold to the most traditional values.

According to a 2008 Inter Press Service (IPS) news article, there are roughly

18,000 primary schools in Kenya. Because of the dense population of urban areas, most

of these schools are located in and around cities. In the district where the rescue center is

located, there are 198 Primary Schools in an area covering almost 22,000 sq. km.

(National Coordinating Agency for Population and Development, 2005, p.10). For

children living in rural areas, and especially the Maasai who favor sparsely populated

areas, children must walk many kilometers just to get to a school. If walking is not an

option, then parents must pay for transportation as well as food and uniforms.

There are just fewer than 3,000 secondary schools in Kenya. While many have a

reduced rate for tuition, parents must still pay for uniforms, books, and other fees.

Obviously, with the lesser number of secondary schools, their locations are even more of

a factor for the Maasai.

Private schools have also begun to flourish. According to the same IPS news

article, there are now 2,000 private schools in Kenya. Because of the overcrowding

brought on by the free primary education initiative, parents who want their children to

have a quality education are turning to private schools. Private schools are funded by a

myriad of proprietors from churches to private entrepreneurs. They must still register

with the Ministry of Education and comply with their conditions.

There are also now private boarding schools for girls. Some are showing great

success. A study of several Sub-Saharan African nations found that, “the educational

outcomes for girls attending single-sex schools are better than girls enrolled at mixed

schools” (Swainson, 1995, p.31). Single-sex boarding schools appear to be the very best.

The main reasons seem to be the fact that there are positive female role models and no

sexual harassment. It has also been found that girls speak up more in classrooms where

boys are not present. Teachers encourage the girls to achieve and to even be competitive,

something that would not be encouraged in a co-ed school with male teachers. Often

extra tutoring and counseling is available for girls in an all female environment. Another

benefit of a boarding school is the fact that the girls get more nutritious food more often

than they would in their poverty-stricken homes. That, in turn, promotes better

concentration in school and overall performance.

Browne (1991) said that “almost all of the children who never go to school or

who fail to complete will be illiterate for their adult lives” (p.6). Adult literacy

campaigns found throughout Sub-Saharan Africa are oftentimes ineffective. Although

literacy correlates with economic achievement, the cost of adult literacy programs is

often even higher. There are several factors for this. One is the cost of printing materials

in many different local languages and dialects; another is timing (Mr. Koyati, personal

communication, October, 2010). Those who may be most in need of the programs are

often those who are nomadic and may not be in one area long enough to take advantage

of even the minimal amount of lessons needed to gain a basic understanding. Also there

are seasonal issues that come along with those involved in agriculture. Women, charged

with oversight for the home, find it difficult to get away for several hours each week.

Because of these issues, it is critical that children are allowed to attend school and to stay

in for as long as possible.

Missions organizations and the Maasai. Since the late 1800’s many mission

organizations have attempted to reach African tribes in an effort to start churches and

schools utilizing the native language or ‘mother tongue.’ The Maasai, being one of the

most remote and mobile, have been difficult to reach. The Church of Scotland Mission

(CSM) was one of the first organizations to push into the interior of Africa. They

believed that education was a crucial part of their evangelization efforts. According to

one of their missionaries, Horace Philp (as cited in Wamagatta, 2008), “the mind…must

be opened to receive new ideas, and this cannot be done without education…In seeking

to reach the hearts of the Africans, therefore, the mind cannot be ignored”.

Another organization involved with the Maasai people, Maasai Association

(2009), believed that education is one of the three most critical needs for the Maasai

people along with clean water and health clinics. According to their website,

“Maasailand has the highest primary school dropout rates in Kenya, mainly because of

poor facilities and lack of support from those in power” (Opinion and Concerns section).

Many other organizations have either been working or just begun work with the

Maasai. CCM has been the catalyst and facilitator for the MTH Center of Hope. CCM

was founded in Africa by David and Laura Kenner in 1986. Their work spans the

countries of Kenya, Uganda and Sudan. Their focus is to help people help themselves.

Their goal is to “provide assistance, training, and resources so that the people we serve

can continue along the path to self-sufficiency rather than make others dependent on us”

(CCM Website - Who We Are section). Their theme verse is evident in everything they

do, “Therefore, as we have opportunity, let us do good to all people, especially to those

who belong to the family of believers” (Galatians 6:10, NIV). Their mission is

accomplished by training and supporting nationals (community leaders, pastors, etc.) to

be the advocates and implementers of programs that address poverty and other needs of

the African child. Their desire is to reach unreached people groups with the Gospel, and

they have planted over 4,000 churches in just over 20 years. In an informal interview

with David Kenner in April of 2010, he stated that in their work with children, CCM has

built schools, provided uniforms, textbooks, and other supplies so that children are able to

attend school and also provided nutritious meals at schools, since it is the only meal many

children will have in a day. They work in several slums in Nairobi and other cities, as

well as remote rural areas where government services and Non Government

Organizations (NGO’s) do not reach. In Maasailand, starvation is a very real threat

because of the harsh, arid environment. CCM is there teaching environmental

conservation and techniques for growing food under such conditions. They teach the care

and planting of tree seedlings, and teachers then start gardens and nurseries. This, in

turn, becomes one of the many micro-finance possibilities that CCM is involved in.

School feeding and uniform programs. According to the World Food

Programme (WFP) website, many children will receive their only meal of the day at

school. They said that in their first year of assistance alone, school attendance increased

by 22-28% in schools receiving WFP food. The WFP is currently providing meals to 1.2

million children in Kenya. They added, “among Kenya’s pastoralist communities, it is

estimated that close to 306,000 children under five are moderately malnourished and

43,000 severely malnourished” (Kenya overview section). Feed The Children and the

U.N.’s Food and Agriculture Organization are among many organizations providing

school meals for Kenyan schools. At a school in the Mathare Slum, where I visited,

children were being fed potatoes, greens, meat, and ugali for lunch. It was their only

meal of the day, but it was a generous portion and nutritious. At another school in the

bush where my husband conducted a track and field camp, students cooked a mixture of

beans, rice, and grains for lunch; also quite possibly, their only meal of the day. At a

third school, an FAWE boarding school for girls, I saw that the students had porridge for

breakfast, beans and rice for lunch, and something similar for dinner. Occasionally, there

was meat.

According to a World Bank (2004) report, fees for uniforms, textbooks, and other

materials keep the poorest children out of school. In 2008 a study was conducted in

Kenya to determine the impact of distributing free school uniforms on children’s

education. The findings were astounding: “We find that giving a school uniform

significantly reduces school absenteeism by 38%. Effects are much larger for poorer

students who did not previously own a uniform: a 64% reduction in school absenteeism”

(Evans, Kremer & Ngatia, p.1). Although the government stated in 2003 that children

should not be forced to leave school for lack of a uniform, according to the District

Minister of Education, Mr. Koyati (personal communication, October, 2010), many

headmasters do send children away for not having on the proper attire. While I visited

many schools in Kenya during my three trips, I never saw a child at any of the schools

without a uniform. In another ongoing uniform study in 2010 in Kenya, “the dropout rate

among girls decreased 20% among girls in uniform schools” (Duflo, Dupas & Kremer,

p.13). The results of these studies and others like them confirm that the cost of a uniform

for many parents is a barrier to education for many children in poorer sections of Kenya.

Poverty. Poverty among the Maasai from the eyes of Westerners appears

devastating. According to an article in The Journal of African History though, defining

poverty among a tribe such as the Maasai is difficult at best.

For international agencies charged with the task, it has always been difficult to

assess degrees of economic well-being and poverty among communities largely

supported on their own subsistence, occupying their own land, and living in

homes they have themselves fashioned, since cash ‘in-comes’ per se are relatively

inconsequential to their livelihoods. (Anderson & Broche-Due, 2003, p.183)

The pastoral Maasai, who depend almost solely on cattle for their livelihood, have

watched over the last few years as that livelihood has diminished because of drought

conditions and lack of available grasslands for all livestock. Homewood, Coast, Kiruswa,

Serneels, Thompson and Trench (2006), stated that “increased restricted access to key

resources of pasture, water and through-passage have increased pastoralist vulnerability

to drought herd loss” (p.1). Rampant death of cattle and other livestock during times of

extreme drought translates into economic disaster for the Maasai. Boundary fencing

because of development has limited open grazing. Attempting to reach a water hole now

may take several extra kilometers of walking. For cattle that are already undernourished,

this can mean disaster.

Isaac Kimeli stated (personal communication, April, 2010) that a Maasai man

without cattle, who knows of no other means to produce income, finds even the obtaining

of food for his family to be the most difficult of tasks. During these times, sending a

child to school is impossible. Even with free primary education, the fees, books, and

uniforms are simply out of reach financially. Men turn to selling their daughters as an

only source of income. Survival becomes the order of the day.

Parental concerns. In a study conducted by Eloundou-Enyegue and Calves

(2006) regarding the ability of daughters to benefit the parents in their old age, they said,

“parents worry about losing access to the fruits of their daughters’ education when they

get married, especially in Sub-Saharan Africa” ( p.1). The cultural belief is that once the

girl marries, the parent has lost any investment they put into her as well as access to her

resources. In a culture where it would be hard to educate all of the children in a

household, the parent must decide between boys and girls. Parents may be more willing

to invest in their sons’ education, believing that the payoff for them will be greater. The

parents also weigh the difficulties daughters may face in a school setting, “harassment,

lack of teacher support, or unplanned pregnancy” along with difficulties that can come

with employment later on, “discrimination in hiring, wages or promotion” (Eloundou-

Enyegue & Calves, 2006, p.4). Although there is much skepticism and worry, the

findings of this particular study show that the more education the women receive, the

more likely they are to remit, even to their own biological families.

Another apparent concern for parents is the higher cost for educating a

daughter over a son. May Rihani (2006), in her article, “Keeping the Promise,” called

this phenomenon “the opportunity cost.” By this she meant, “Loss of her labor within the

household, in the field, and at the market place” (p.1). Girls are often caretakers for

younger siblings and provide labor in the fields. The loss to the household economy

would be too great. Lloyd and Blanc (1996) said, “dropout rates are also significantly

greater for girls who have younger siblings and their attainment levels were also lower

than those of boys when they have younger siblings” (p.270). Because girls typically

have many chores to do before they leave for school, they are often tired when they get to

school and don’t perform well. This, in turn, makes the parent decide that a son could do

a better job in the classroom. It is also the girls who are oftentimes sent from the

classroom to help with meal preparation and cleaning which boys are not likely to have to

do.

Another cost incurred by the parents is in providing transportation to school since

walking could be dangerous for a girl. Parents also have safety concerns for the girl-child

once they get to school. In some areas, the male teachers will sexually harass the girls

and think it is their ‘right’ to take advantage of them. In talking with Mr. Kimeli in the

summer of 2009, he said that there are male teachers who are sexually promiscuous even

though they are married and are infected with HIV. These same teachers will have sexual

relations with their female students and infect them as well. Owusu-Banahene (2000)

found that “some irresponsible teachers refer to their female students as ‘bush

allowance’; hence they abuse and violate these girls sexually to compensate their posting

or transfer to the rural area, which they (the teachers) see as punishment” (p. 14).

Further compounding parental concerns for sending their children to government

schools is that the teachers at times emphasize farming over a traditional pastoral

lifestyle. Elizabeth Bishop (2007) studied this phenomenon especially among the Maasai

and believed that “whilst schooling has not been the sole or even necessarily the major

influence on the spread of farming, it has encouraged and facilitated this change” (p.13).

Bishop raised concerns about the marginalization of pastoralists. Since many pastoralists

live great distances from schools, if their children are allowed to attend, they must live

closer to the school with other family members or friends who are not pastoralists. This

exposes them to negative ideas about pastoralism and the Maasai lifestyle in general.

Some of the Maasai interviewed in Bishop’s study feel that teachers had a hidden agenda,

believing that farming was the next best thing to having an education. They felt that their

teachers wanted them to learn to farm in case they couldn’t stay in school so that they

would have a means of gainful employment. The Maasai, in general, believe that

farming is a sign of poverty; their non-pastoralist counterparts think of Maasai as

uneducated, poor, and ignorant.

Schools often teach self-reliance which is counter to the Maasai culture’s value of

community. While teaching self-reliance in schools, as I observed, many administrators

have the children work in gardens or with small livestock, although rarely with the

Maasai’s beloved cattle. Children help to grow grains and vegetables to help with school

lunches. They raise chickens and goats for the occasional meal with meat. Parents take

offense at this because part of formal education seems to be teaching the children that

self-reliance means farming. It is very difficult in the researched district to be both a

farmer and a pastoralist. Stationary grazing doesn’t last long and farming without crop

rotation produces soil erosion.

In an article on the AfricaFiles website from 2005, author Timothy Gachanga

discussed some of Kenya’s challenges in achieving the UN’s Millennium Development

Goals (MDGs) by 2015. While Kenya’s government is committed to promoting and

developing its rich and varied cultures, the emphasis in schools is on competition and

exam scores instead of enculturation. While the government entrusts the teachers with

fostering indigenous cultures, there has been no college training to help them execute

that. “Thus, the infusion of aspects of indigenous traditions depends entirely on teachers’

perceptions of these traditions. If a teacher’s perception is positive then s/he will include

them in the classroom and, if negative, s/he will not include them” (Teaching Indigenous

Culture section). While the Maasai focus on community, sharing, and cooperation, the

classrooms of most public schools encourage students to compete for the highest exam

scores to see which few individuals will be able to attend the next level of education.

Unfortunately, those who are the driving force behind this type of education are those

who are in urban areas or workshops away from the cultures and people who will be the

most affected by their decisions (Dominant values promote conflict section).

Pregnancy and education. When girls are found to be pregnant outside of

marriage, the associated stigmatisms are often not shared with the father of the baby in

Sub-Saharan Africa, regardless if the girl was raped or if the sexual relationship was

consensual. This is a form of gender inequity. It needs to be mentioned here as well that

there is no word for ‘rape’ in the Maa language (Isaac Kimeli, personal communication,

July, 2009). If a man wants to have sexual relations with a girl, she must allow it. Most

girls are forced to leave school for at least a year, and if there is a policy in place for them

to return, it is often so stringent that the girls give up hope of ever returning. Chilisa

(2002) found that because of superstition associated with lactating mothers, it is feared

that these girls would affect the ability of their classmates to learn or that they would

make them sleepy if they were in the same classroom (p.28). And yet, the milk of cows

is considered a symbol of peace when sprinkled over the Maasai as a priest prays for

them in a church setting (Bowen, 2009, p.79). A pregnant girl is considered “spoilt,

damaged, defiled, or deflowered” (Chilisa, 2002, p.29). The older Maasai as well as

other nomadic tribes force the girl to stay inside for six months to a year so that she will

learn her place in the home and as punishment for the pregnancy. Some areas have

policies that state that the girl cannot go back to the same school she was attending when

she became pregnant; interestingly enough this leaves room for more boys in the

classroom. If there are no other schools in her area, then she has lost all hope of further

education.

In a study conducted in South Africa by Madhavan and Thomas (2005) where

there is a high value placed on education by the government, girls seem to have higher

academic aspirations than in other parts of Sub-Saharan Africa (p.454). This includes

girls who have babies during their school years. Girls are actually encouraged to return

to the school in their village after having a baby. Most are dependent on their family’s

economic status and the availability of child care as determining factors as to whether or

not they actually return. If they do return, this presents another set of problems as many

of them will not be on grade level. They went on to find that “in terms of grade progress,

68 percent of girls who have not had a child and 30 percent of those who have had a child

are at the age-appropriate grade” (p.464). Regardless of grade level though, South Africa

is proactive in keeping its girls in school and getting them back into school once they’ve

had a baby. They are realizing a much higher success rate than much of the rest of the

continent of Africa.

If the Maasai girls are given opportunities to make decisions, receive a higher

level of education, and have the opportunity to become productive members of society,

they will feel differently about themselves and parts of culture will begin to change.

When something as basic as a cultural structure changes, “it follows that schooling, itself

a cultural action, and other deliberate attempts to improve culture while transmitting it,

can change all social structures, including those that are very basic” (Hoppers, 2001,

p.14). Can the culture of the Maasai become blended with Western forms of education?

Martinez and Waldron (2006) seemed to think so, “Historically, culture has been

transmitted through practices at the home. As education was formalized and organized,

numerous cultural aspects were integrated and institutionalized” (p. 409). Former

Kenyan President Kenyatta (1965) also believed so when he said,

Education, instead of creating confusions, might help to promote progress, and at

the same time to preserve all that is best in the traditions of the African people and

assist them to create a new culture which, though its roots are still in the soil, is

yet modified to meet the pressure of modern conditions. (p.123)

The government’s responsibility. In a paper presented to the Midwest Political

Science Association by Andrea Messing-Mathie (2008) the idea of an educational model

based on economic theory is discussed. Messing-Mathie said that this theory, “created by

economists who utilize economic analyses,” is ineffective as it plays out in villages

around the world. It reduces teachers to “manual workers . . . acting as the conduit of

information to students” (p.20).

Because international aid and lending agencies dominate the development

activities in developing countries, local resources, such as local NGOs [Non

Government Organizations] and community organizations, are not consulted

when developing policy or determining the most appropriate recipients for

funding. (p.20)

Because of this, communities are not empowered, students’ lives are not changed, and the

educational system cannot function as it should.

Nelly P. Stromquist (2006) argued that education in and of itself will not facilitate

long lasting change for girls and women. The content of the curriculum and teacher

training in gender equality must be addressed. “The discussion of quality has been

framed to centre on performance in standardized tests in reading and maths, and to avoid

issues of citizenship right and duties and oppression and conflict in society” (p.148).

Beyond just access, retraining in gender issues must filter down from the government to

local districts. In many schools in Third World nations, female teachers are prominent in

primary schools while male teachers are more likely in secondary and tertiary schools as

well as in leadership positions at all levels. This sends a strong message to both genders.

What is needed is not a variety of uncoordinated projects, each operating on the

basis of its own paradigm of development, but a national pastoral multisectoral

strategy developed in conjunction with representatives of the pastoral

communities and recognizing their specificity. (Carr-Hill & Peart, 2005b, p.19)

As Ray and Korteweg (1999) put it, what is needed is “a shift in focus in comparative

work, from the macro level to the local where larger political, cultural, and economic

processes are played out” (p.66).

Microbusiness ventures. One way to help combat the poverty, oppression, and

exploitation in which many women in Third World nations find themselves is by helping

them to start microbusinesses. It is a way to help women turn their talents into earnings

to help support themselves and their families and to give them options for their futures.

In a study conducted in Africa by Ephraim Chirwa (2008) using male and female

subjects, Chirwa found that women typically choose low-risk and low-technology

endeavors with an outcome of low-income and low-status. He found that lack of access

to formal financial institutions, lack of education, and poor government policies were

major hindrances. For those women who had gained higher education, Chirwa found that

their profitability margins were significantly higher. Those with access to credit showed a

significantly higher and faster growth in their business ventures. In his conclusion,

Chirwa discussed at length the need to invest in women in multiple ways.

Investments in female education have the effect of not only improving the

profitability of their enterprises, but also generating paid employment

opportunities. Similarly, increasing female entrepreneurs’ access to credit

facilities is more productive than increasing this access for male entrepreneurs.

There is a need therefore to promote microfinance institutions that target

financing of non-farm economic activities, with a deliberate bias towards

providing credit to women entrepreneurs. (p. 361)

E. Aminata Brown (2008), an African American woman who acquired a vision

for investing in microbusinesses for women in Africa, is using some of the funds from the

business ventures to support girls’ education. She believes microenterprises are designed

to be “programs or businesses that offer a combination of credit, technical assistance,

training, and other business services to disadvantaged people for the purpose of helping

them launch small self-employment projects” (p. 73). She not only pays her workers a

salary, but also pays for healthcare and subsidies for housing costs. The workers make

Afrocentric patchwork quilts that are exported to the U.S. and Europe. Each year as the

business grows, she is able to hire more women to make the quilts and pay the tution to

keep even more girls in school. Others seeking to help marginalized women in Third

World countries establish purchasing and shipping arrangements with groups of women

from those areas and sell the products on the internet or at trade shows, fairs, and

conferences in the U.S., Canada and Europe.

Summary

Theorists state that in order to have secure, confident and strong individuals, they

must have their needs met, from basic to complex (Maslow, 1968 and Freire, 2009). If

these individuals have been oppressed, they must also be given the ability to be involved

in the process that allows them liberation and dignity. In order to change culture or

society, there must be hope for individuals to become unified, striving for quality of life

for all. The present study surrounds the Maasai girl-child and the oppression under

which she has lived. The MTH Center of Hope has offered a place for girls to live where

their basic life needs are met, they are allowed to stay in school, and are being taught

skills for gainful employment in an effort to observe the cultural impact this might have.

Mainly from the Maasai Tribe, 31 girls have been rescued out of desperate circumstances

and brought to the center. They have not only food, shelter, and protection there, but they

are also living in community with others in the same situation. They have been provided

with educational opportunities because of the sponsorships of individuals in the U.S.

They are also starting microbusiness opportunities in an effort to help their new home, as

well as themselves, to become self-sufficient.

The Maasai are a pastoral people, gravitating to rural areas in search of grass for

their cattle. In so doing they have taken their children away from close proximity to

schools. Because of expense and the dangers associated with girls traveling many

kilometers to school, many simply stay at home and tend to the needs of the family.

These girls are forced to undergo FGM and then sold into early marriage so that their

families can have more cattle. Severe drought over the last few years has caused a level

of poverty so perilous that children have died simply from starvation. When there is no

money for food, there is no money to afford tuition, fees, and uniforms for school, and

the older Maasai see no need for education that doesn’t apply to their lives anyway.

Because of a strong belief in witchcraft, ethics and morals have diminished, and the girl-

child continues to be abused and oppressed. While many missions’ organizations and

NGO’s are providing food, water, uniforms, and other items for children, it is rare in

Maasailand to find an organization that seeks to address the past, present, and future

needs of the girl-child. This study seeks to understand what impact counseling, the

meeting of basic needs and preparation for an independent future through living at the

MTH Center of Hope has on the lives of the girls who live there.

CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY

Introduction

The purpose of the study is to understand how the life dreams of the girls at the

MTH Center of Hope are being altered as a result in a change of cultural experience. I

desire to learn how this new life experience is impacting the way they see their future.

This chapter includes a section on the design of the study as well as detailed descriptions

of the setting and participants. Details of the study are outlined in the procedures section,

and my role is explained. The data analysis section describes the analysis procedures.

Research Question

How are the life dreams of the girls living at the MTH Center of Hope being

altered as a result of a change in cultural experience? I sought to examine specifically the

socio-cultural and educational impacts of the center on the lives of the predominantly

Maasai group of girls living at the center. A prayer card sent to potential sponsors in the

U.S. states that a “sponsorship fights economic, physical and spiritual oppression by

giving Kenyan girls a way out!” (A Ray of Hope, 2010). One of my goals was to

discover how this statement translated practically into the lives of the teen and pre-teen

girls. The question of ‘Life Dreams’ was asked over and over of the girls in many

different ways. For most of the girls, simply being able to have choices and make

decisions regarding their futures seemed to surface first. In questioning them further

regarding what that meant to them personally and specifically, they began to relate that

they dream of obtaining secondary and even tertiary education. Many would say, “I hope

to…”. Several girls stated that they do want to marry someday, but they want to have a

voice in who they marry. They also spoke of adequate food and medical care as well as

protection and the freedom to worship. For the purposes of this study, the term ‘Life

Dreams’ translates into ‘Hope’ which, to these girls, includes having choices in their

future with regard to marriage, education, food, medical care, protection, and freedom of

worship.

Design

The research study was analyzed from a qualitative perspective utilizing a

hermeneutic phenomenological design. Creswell (1994) described phenomenology as

“…human experiences [that] are examined through the detailed descriptions of the people

being studied” (p.12). Max van Manen (1990) added, “What first of all characterizes

phenomenological research is that it always begins in the lifeworld” (p.7). I attempted to

immerse myself in the Maasai culture through the study of relevant literature and

documents as well as spending time in direct contact with their world, traveling to Kenya

three times in a 16 month period, from July 2009 to October 2010, in order to gain insight

into the experiences of the participants.

The point of phenomenological research is to “borrow” other people’s

experiences and their reflections on their experiences in order to better be able to

come to an understanding of the deeper meaning or significance of an aspect of

human experience, in the context of the whole of human experience. (van

Manen, 1990, p.62)

Since I had a prior deep interest in the Maasai people and a desire to aid those

who wanted to help the girl-child, a human science research approach seemed fitting.

Max van Manen (1990) describes this type of research as investigation of meanings.

Researchers conducting this type of research will “gather data, describe a phenomenon,

and construct textual interpretations” (p.1). All inquiry, including specific questions for

interviewees is tied to the research question. The researcher must have the ability to

interpret the phenomena in the lifeworld of the participants to see the significance of their

experiences.

Participants

The research population consisted primarily of Maasai girls, ages 10-23 from a

district in Southern Kenya, who are under the guardianship of Christ Church Mission

(CCM), a mission organization whose presence has been felt in Kenya for over 30 years.

While CCM knows specific ages for some of the girls, there are some whose age is

estimated because a specific birth date is unknown; this is not uncommon among the

Maasai. Most of the girls are thin and lanky as is typical of Maasai and look younger

than their actual ages. The girls have been accepted into the MTH Center of Hope

primarily to be protected against FGM and early, forced marriage. See Table 3.1 for the

participant demographics.

Table 3.1

Participant Demographics

______________________________________________________________________________

Name_

Year of

Birth

Husband

picked? Abused?

Father

Living?

Mother

Living? Poverty?

Linnea 1995 in process no - AIDS yes yes

Ivy 1989 Yes yes yes yes

Asphodel

1989 divorced yes yes yes yes

Ayanna 1985 yes no no yes

Zinnia 1994 no yes yes

Amantha unknown

yes - AIDS? no-AIDS yes-slum

Dahlia 1993 in process yes yes yes yes

Calla 1992 no no yes

Ianthe unknown

Yes yes yes yes

Cliantha unknown

Yes no yes yes

Flora 1995 no - AIDS yes yes

Poppy 1990 Yes yes yes - AIDS no - AIDS yes

Nydia unknown

yes no no yes

Camellia 1993 Yes no yes yes

Rose unknown

no yes yes-slum

Delphine unknown

Yes no yes yes

Zahra unknown

Yes yes yes

Leilani unknown

in process yes yes yes yes

Lily unknown

in process yes yes yes yes

Yolanda unknown

Yes yes yes yes

Jasmine unknown

Yes yes yes yes

Ilima unknown

yes yes no - AIDS yes yes-slum

Calantha unknown

yes yes yes no yes

Hana unknown

in process yes yes yes

Peri 1993 prostitution yes yes yes yes

Lotus 1994 prostitution yes no no yes-slum

Iris 1995 in process no yes yes

Aven unknown

yes yes yes yes

Kaeya unknown

yes yes yes yes

Rosalia unknown

yes yes no yes yes

Bryony unknown

yes yes yes yes yes

________________________________________________________________________

Girls. For this study I utilized a purposive, unique case sampling of girls, mostly

Maasai, to provide relevant information about the topic. These particular girls would be

considered atypical compared to other girls in their tribes because they have been

removed from their cultural settings and are attending school and not marrying as

teenagers. They can provide great insight and understanding into their experiences before

coming to live at the rescue center and how living there is now impacting their lives.

It is believed that the majority of the girls are between the ages of 14 and 17. All

31 girls arrived at the center on April 1, 2010. The nine girls who are in primary school

stay in residence at the center all year. The other 22 girls are at the center during the

months of April, August and December, as well as term breaks three to six times each

year. The girls are all from Southern Kenya and within 100 kilometers of the center.

Stakeholders. The stakeholders interviewed were selected through snowball

sampling. The Hooper’s suggested that I interview Isaac Kimeli and the oversight

committee who then recommended several school teachers as well as the education

officer for the district. Through attending church with the girls, I met a well educated

Maasai government liaison who also suggested interviewing a retired Maasai colonel.

Isaac also facilitated an interview with the head chief of the district who, in turn,

suggested that I interview one of his wives. One of the girls at the center introduced me

to her mother who invited me to her home for a meal. All of the stakeholders interviewed

live within 40 kilometers of the center, and I was able to interview most of them in their

homes, schools, or offices. Most of the stakeholders interviewed were Maasai.

Setting

The setting for the majority of the study was the MTH Center of Hope in a district

of Southern Kenya which is considered part of Maasailand. People in the area refer to it

as a rescue center since the girls are seen as being rescued out of oppressive cultural rites

of passage. The district is one of the poorest in all of Kenya. Accessibility to the rescue

center from any direction is only by dirt roads littered with potholes and rocks. The

district covers approximately 22,000 sq. km. According to many of the leaders in the

various areas, including the head chief, the Maasai do not like to be counted because of

the superstition that once there is an accurate number of them, children will begin to die.

Therefore, a true estimation of the number of Maasai people residing in the district is

nearly impossible. Government calculations assess that there are around 470,000 total

people in the district, which includes several tribes. Because of severe drought over the

last few years, much of the land is desolate. Where cattle, goats, and sheep once traveled

the district in large herds, now only humble herds scattered over many miles remain.

Early in the mornings Maasai women wearing traditional red shukas can be seen carrying

jugs of milk to the nearest town, to sell for a few shillings. Children in uniforms can be

seen walking to school, some of whom started their journey as early as 4 a.m. In the

evenings as the sun begins to set, young men are seen heading toward home for the night

with a few cows, sheep, and/or goats. Children returning home from school and women

bent over under their great bundles of firewood also dot the landscape.

The MTH Center of Hope is in the middle of this land on a 10 acre section totally

enclosed by fencing with a large ominous metal gate and guard shack at the entrance. An

old water tower on the property has been restored to working order and provides the

water for household use at the center as well as some for nearby neighbors. This is

especially important to note, because in this area most women walk many miles each

morning just to obtain enough water for daily use. If the girls were required to do this,

school would not be an option.

No buildings on the property existed in 2008, so all construction is new.

Currently two dormitory buildings are on the site, and a third is under construction. They

are constructed of cinderblock and steel on a concrete slab with windows on each side,

and a separate, attached room for the dorm matron. Originally, each dorm was supposed

to house 10-12 girls, but with the number of girls in need, there are now 15-16 girls in

each. Eight sets of metal bunk beds are covered with unique, brightly colored bedding.

Upon arrival, each girl is given sheets, a pillow, and a quilt for her bed. The quilts were

handmade by a church group in the U.S. The girls are required to keep their space within

the dorms tidy at all times. They are not allowed to wear their shoes inside the buildings,

to prevent tracking mud or dirt. The girls are also given a box with all toiletry items that

they will need for their first month in residence. These items are replaced as needed.

The dining/multipurpose building is also constructed of cinderblock on a concrete

slab and is where the girls have their meals as well as meetings or group activities.

Windows on each side allow breezes to blow through on warmer afternoons. There are

long, heavy metal tables with enough plastic chairs for the girls and some visitors. While

there are enough forks, spoons and knives for all to use, the girls typically still eat with

their fingers when company is not present. When I was there, the youngest girl fixed her

plate and hid in the corner to eat with her fingers while the rest of the girls awkwardly

used forks or spoons. A temporary metal room is attached to the outside of the dining

building which is used for food storage and cooking over propane burners. When not in

use, the plastic plates, cups and bowls for each girl are stacked neatly on a table in this

room.

A shower/bathroom building is also nearby with two showers and six toilets.

Water for showers is heated by a large solar panel on the roof of the building. This is the

only shower and flushable toilet facility for miles. Most of the girls who have come to

live at the center have never used a shower, but as is typical of adolescent and teenage

girls, they’ve adjusted quite well. The guardhouse is a smaller cinderblock building with

two rooms. The back room is where building supplies, generators, tools, and other items

are stored. Only Tim and Mary Hooper have keys to that particular room. The outer

room has a table and a couple of plastic chairs. Bookcases are kept here that temporarily

hold the books for the library. Both day and night guards have keys to the outer door. A

newly constructed goat pen with several sections is also at the center for the girls to raise

goats for milk and cheese. This is one of several microbusiness opportunities being

discussed to help the center become self-sustaining.

Living at the site with the girls are several people who have been hand-selected by

the program manager, Isaac Kimeli. Ruth, the dorm matron, is a tall, wiry Maasai

woman who is probably in her late 20s. Although she has a husband and three small

children, she lives at the site with the girls because it provides an income for her family.

Although Ruth is quiet, she also has a sternness about her which commands respect.

Della, the Maasai cook, is shorter and stout. She is quiet but has a warm smile and is

easy to talk with. Both women speak three languages, their Maa dialect, Kiswahili, and

English. While neither woman has much education and have probably been through the

cultural rituals that the rescue home is helping girls to avoid, they are both in agreement

that the Maasai culture needs to change, and they are proud to help nurture the girls who

are there.

Sam, the day guard at the center, is also an overseer for the project when Tim and

Mary are not in Kenya. Sam is Luo and has been educated through secondary school.

Sam speaks fluent English and often translates when non-English speaking Kenyans

come to the site to sell something or to see what is going on. He is a strong Christian, an

avid reader, and is the interim librarian. Sam also believes that the devastating practices

within the Maasai culture need to change.

The two night guards for the center, Joe and Johnny, were both considered fierce

Maasai warriors in years past. While not very old, since both are married and have

children, they are no longer in the warrior age set. Both men are thin and have long,

stretched earlobes. Neither man speaks English nor has much formal education. They

both carry the typical Maasai weapon, a rungu, which is a heavy wooden stick with a ball

on one end. The ball also has an additional, small knot which is on every rungu and can

be used to kill. It is well known that Johnny has killed two lions.

Others who can be found daily at the site or who at least have great influence

over what goes on there include the oversight committee, the Hooper’s, Isaac Kimeli, and

Chief Saitoti. The oversight committee consists of one Maasai mother, three Maasai

pastors, two Maasai teachers, a Maasai nurse, and the program manager who is from the

Luo Tribe. Others involved in the study include family members of the girls, community

members, local leaders, missionaries, developers, teachers at local schools, and

committee members. Those who play the biggest roles in the lives of the girls include

Tim and Mary Hooper, Isaac Kimeli, and those who work daily with them at the center.

Tim and Mary Hooper, the couple from the United States, have committed their

lives to this project. Tim first visited Kenya with friends from college years ago and fell

in love with the people and the country. After an extended stay, he returned to the States,

married Mary, and started a construction business. The Hooper’s now have three grown

children and three grandchildren, and while most people their ages are beginning to look

toward retirement, they began a long-term project in the bush of Kenya in 2008. No two

days ever look alike in Maasailand for the Hoopers. The Hoopers often struggle with

being burdened with time consuming tasks that were unforeseen, but when they hear the

rescued girls singing and see their smiling faces, they are reminded all over again why

God has called them to the ‘Land of the Zebras’ which is what the area is referred to.

Isaac Kimeli, who has served as an invaluable resource and cultural expert for me,

is from the Luo Tribe and is a rather large man with a deep voice. He has a heart for

ministry and is especially concerned about the African girl-child and the oppression she

faces. He has worked for CCM for many years and was the perfect fit for this particular

project. He is the program manager of the rescue center and often the one who physically

removes the girls from their living situations. Isaac lives and has an office in the district

and has first-hand knowledge of the girls who are most at risk for early marriage, FGM,

severe poverty, and abuse. Since Isaac is custodian of the girls under the direction of

CCM, he signed the guardian consent forms for each of the girls.

A final, very important figure in the life of the girls is Chief Saitoti. Chief Saitoti

is the head chief in the district, over many other chiefs. His manyatta, or homestead, is

conveniently located within view of the rescue center. He is very much in support of the

project and has been instrumental in helping to obtain the land and in rescuing several of

the girls. He said that the chief is the governing administration and liaison between the

government and the people. He added that most chiefs take their jobs seriously, but

others accept payoffs to avoid punishment or reporting of crime, so there is some

corruption. He also served as a cultural expert since he has lived the entirety of his life in

the district and was raised as a traditional Maasai. His perceptions of the way things have

been for the Maasai for so many years and his beliefs on how things need to change for

the good of the tribe were priceless.

The school for the primary girls is located about a half mile from the center. It is

a Catholic day school, and all of the teachers are nuns. The matron walks to school with

the girls each morning. The secondary girls still travel to boarding schools during the

trimesters and then return to the center during each of the three, month-long breaks. I

was able to visit one of the boarding schools and an elementary school attended by the

girls. Isaac Kimeli regularly visits the girls in their boarding schools to check on grades

and overall well-being. Over the last year, one of the secondary girl’s grades improved

so much that Isaac was able to obtain entrance to a better quality boarding school for her.

The church where the girls attend each Sunday is about two miles away from the

center, about a 40 minute walk since the Maasai don’t go anywhere quickly. The church

building itself is metal and corrugated tin with a dirt floor. Windows are on each side of

the rectangular building and wooden benches and plastic chairs for the congregation. I

was able to attend and observe in five different Maasai churches over my three visits, and

all five were very similar in size, construction, and attendance.

Groups from the U.S. travel to the MTH Center of Hope up to three times each

year. Each time a group arrives, more construction and landscaping takes place. Many

trees and plants have been set out to help provide nutritious fruits and vegetables for the

girls. Among them are banana, mango, avocado and papaya trees, many of which are

now producing. Mounds of flowers and native, decorative rock line the fences, road and

buildings. The center has become a place of beauty in the middle of a barren land. One

of the groups also established a water collection system by putting gutters on each

building which drain into tanks behind the buildings.

Tim and Mary Hooper’s home church in the U.S., as well as a nonprofit

organization, are the sending and supporting agencies for Tim and Mary. While the

Hooper’s still have a home in the Southwestern U.S., they also rent, almost year around, a

home in the district in Kenya where the rescue center is located. Their Kenyan home

overlooks the Rift Valley and is about an hour’s drive from the center on exceptionally

rough roads. Their home in Kenya has no electricity, and water for their bathroom and

kitchen facilities is pumped from a tank using a generator.. To heat the water for the

house they must build a fire in a pit in the back yard which heats water in a tank above it.

Their neighbors are baboons, and the view from the front porch is breathtaking. The

Maasai in the area tell the Hoopers that all Maasai for miles around know when they are

in the country and when they leave.

Procedures

Because of my plan to interview Maasai girls and other stakeholders for the

research study, full approval was obtained from Liberty University’s Institutional Review

Board (IRB). (A copy of the IRB approval can be found in Appendix A.) The Maasai

girls were the primary participants, but others who were directly and indirectly involved

in their care and education were also interviewed as collaborators in the research project

to aid me in my understanding of the experience. After an initial trip to Kenya, I was

advised to return two additional times for follow-up research. It was at that time that I

also secured verbal approval to conduct the research at the MTH Center of Hope from

Tim and Mary Hooper’s sending church in the U.S., the nonprofit organization that is

involved, and Christ Church Missions in Nairobi.

Meeting the girls. During the first of the two research gathering trips, I met on

my first day in country the first 31 girls who had been rescued and began establishing

rapport with them. Since each of the girls had been in public schools, they spoke and

understood English quite well. Their English has a very formal British sound. I first

shared tea and biscuits with the girls, which is a traditional way of beginning an afternoon

visit with someone in Kenya. I then showed the girls pictures of my family and different

places in America and answered any questions they had. The girls were especially

interested in pictures of a deep snow from the previous winter at my home. While snow

is on the peaks of Mt. Kenya and Mt. Kilimanjaro, it never falls in their district. I also

showed the girls pictures of the track and field camp my husband had conducted for ten

area schools in the district the summer before. Some of the girls had heard of the camp,

and some had actually seen it. They even recognized friends in some of the pictures.

The girls were intrigued to know why I had returned to their country. It was then that I

was able to share my research interests with the girls. I told them that I loved the beauty

of the Maasai people. I also told them that I was glad they had been rescued from

difficult situations and would now be safe and able to stay in school. They were also

thankful. I told them that I was interested in studying them to see how they adapted to

the changes of living at the rescue center and in helping to rescue other girls. The girls

appeared quite appreciative. I asked if they would be willing to allow me to observe and

interview them. They each smiled and nodded in agreement. Many of the girls made

statements about wanting to help other girls. I told them that if they wanted to

participate, I would first give them a short questionnaire to complete and sign (this was

also used as the assent form). This was to help the girls feel valued in the research

project. Each of the girls wanted to do this. The questionnaire, found in Appendix D,

was designed by me and was used, not for gathering statistical or quantitative data, but

simply to demonstrate to the girls that I valued their opinion and to show them the type of

information I desired. I also wanted to see if the girls understood the intent of the rescue

center. It was used more as a triangulation instrument than a statistical one. These

questions became stimuli for thinking and aided me in developing further questions to

ask of the girls and other stakeholders.

I then told the girls that I may additionally want to interview them individually

using a video camera or tape recorder. Since the girls were intrigued with pictures of

themselves, they were excited to do this. I also told them that I would like to have a

couple of focus groups, one for the secondary girls and one for the primary girls. Again,

they all agreed to participate.

The Researcher’s Role

During the summer of 2009 my family and I traveled to Kenya on a missions trip

which involved a track and field camp as well as women’s ministry activities. At that

time I saw the MTH Center of Hope for the first time and learned of the plans to rescue

Maasai girls from early, forced marriage. I became fascinated with the Maasai culture

and the lived experiences of the people. In the brief two and a half week trip, I

participated in a track and field camp, observed students in school settings, attended

Maasai churches in remote, bush locations, participated in women’s ministry in the

second largest slum in Nairobi, spent an afternoon at a bush hospital, helped with food

distribution to widows living with HIV/AIDS, and helped with construction at the rescue

center. My husband and I decided to start the only library in the area for the girls at the

center. In the two subsequent trips I was able to pack all of my clothes and personal

items in my carry-on bag and use my checked luggage for books. I was able to take over

400 books to the girls. The girls were overwhelmed by all of the books, and some were

moved to tears.

For the first research trip back in the country, I traveled alone to Kenya but was

able to stay with the Hoopers. Mary Hooper not only made sure that I had quality time

with the girls in their various activities, but she also scheduled many other interviews

with key stakeholders. During that trip I was able to interview the chief, the district

education officer, CCM missionaries, the oversight committee for the center, pastors, the

matron, the cook, and many of the girls. I also went to one of the girls boarding schools

and was given a tour and interview with the head mistress. I had the privilege of taking

the girls to an ostrich farm for lunch and hike in the Rift Valley. I also visited in the

home of a British couple who have lived in the district for years and run a well drilling

business. I participated in a workshop that CCM conducted for the girls regarding

cultural issues. During the second research trip, I was able to interview a retired Maasai

military colonel, have a meal in the home of one of the girls from the center, attend an

ancient moran celebration which only occurs every 15 years, interview one of the chief’s

wives in her home, visit a local primary school and interview the principal and teachers,

and visit with Sam, the day guard.

Max van Manen (1990) says, “pedagogy requires a hermeneutic ability to make

interpretive sense of the phenomena of the lifeworld in order to see the pedagogic

significance of situations and relations of living with children” (p.2). In studying the girls

at the rescue center I spent hours reflectively writing about the significance of their

world. I tried to understand the essence of their experiences through thoughtful

deliberations of their expressions of those experiences. Interviews were conducted for

the purpose of gathering narrative material, and close observations allowed me the

proximity for alertness to situations of daily life. As I reflected on these lived

experiences and interpreted their meaning in relation to the research question, themes

began to emerge.

I used a video recorder to capture the individual interviews with the girls as well

as other stakeholders who agreed. I met with no resistance in interviewing anyone in the

area regarding my study. My family and I are committed to helping with the MTH Center

of Hope on a long-term basis, and research will continue for years.

Data Collection

Each day in Kenya I spent time conducting interviews, observing the girls and

other stakeholders in normal routine activities, participating with the girls in reading,

baseball, soccer, weeding, cleaning, and cooking. Upon returning to the Hooper’s house

in the bush each evening, which is about an hour’s drive from the center, I spent hours

transcribing interviews and other data. I was able to create Word and Excel documents to

save onto my hard drive as well as a back-up USB device.

Focus groups. Max van Manen (1990) says, “A research method is only a way

of investigating certain kinds of questions” (p.1). I came to the study with a prior interest

in the Maasai community, as well as an interest in the specific cultural issues surrounding

the females of the tribe. After learning of the detrimental experiences of the Maasai girl-

child, I developed simple questions to be used in focus groups at the center as a starting

point for dialogue and to begin to explicate the meaning of their lifeworld. These

questions, tied to the research question for this study, followed van Manen’s (1990)

hermeneutic phenomenological interview question suggestions. These include staying

close to the experience, being very concrete, and asking for specifics. These questions

then facilitated dialogue as to why the girls came to the center and what they hoped to

gain from the experience. The questions were as follows:

1. Why did you come to the MTH Center of Hope?

2. What do you hope to gain by living here?

3. How much education do you want to obtain?

4. What do you hope to do with your life?

5. How likely do you think this is?

The girls were relaxed during the focus groups as they reclined with friends on

their beds. The focus group for the primary girls took place in their dorm while the

focus group for the secondary girls took place in their dorm. Only four girls attended

the primary focus group indicating to me that all of the other 27 girls were in secondary

school. I later learned that while five other girls were actually in primary school, they

were embarrassed to attend that focus group because they were old enough to be in

secondary school. After I asked her questions, dialogue began in the secondary focus

group, and the girls elaborated on their family backgrounds and asked me comparative-

type questions regarding my childhood and educational experiences.

I took notes during the dialogue, also noting the interactions among the girls.

Ary, Jacobs, Razavieh and Sorensen (2006) say that “topics and ideas expressed in the

focus group can help the researcher to identify questions and other important aspects of

the phenomenon to pursue in the study” (p.481). To achieve face and content validity,

all of the focus group questions were asked of missionaries with CCM and the dorm

matron first to be certain that they were relevant and meaningful to the girls. Since the

topic of living at the center and obtaining an education was important to the girls, the

questions appeared valid. All questions were also deemed age appropriate for all of the

girls since they could answer as simply or deeply as they wished.

Interviews. Knowing that I would not be able to individually interview all

participants and stakeholders, I developed two separate questionnaires that were tied to

the method and research question. I developed the questions based on the review of the

literature and time spent within the culture, with cultural experts. Max van Manen

(1990) suggests that the purpose for interviews and the development of interview

questions is as follows: “to study ways of doing and seeing things peculiar to certain

cultures or cultural groups; to study the way individuals see themselves and others in

certain situations; study the way people feel about certain issues” (p.66). Before use, all

questions were e-mailed to the Hoopers at their church in the U.S., as well as to the

directors of CCM in Nairobi and Isaac Kimeli, to check for understandability, cultural

appropriateness, and validity. That all participants understood the basic intent of the

rescue center was important to me. One questionnaire was developed specifically for the

girls and was used as a way of allowing them to give their consent to the study; the other

was developed for stakeholders. The questionnaire for the girls was the initial one given

to the girls before the focus groups were conducted.

The stakeholders who filled out the questionnaires were ones with whom I was

not able to conduct one-on-one conversational interviews. The questionnaires utilized

closed format questions with three to five answer choices. I was always available while

the girls and stakeholders filled out the questionnaires to check for understanding. I kept

the questions as simple as possible for all participants since English was the second or

third language for most of them. The questionnaire for the girls can be found in

Appendix D while the stakeholders’ questionnaire can be found in Appendix E. The

guardian consent form can be found in Appendix B and the stakeholder consent form can

be found in Appendix C.

Each interview with seven different Maasai girls took place at the rescue center

and was more of a listening exercise on my part, while the girls each told their stories. I

considered having the girls write out their stories for me, but van Manen (1990) said that

in his experience, having a conversation with the person is more personal. He said that at

times “writing forces the person into a more reflective attitude, which may make it more

difficult to stay close to an experience as it is immediately lived” (p.67). Individual

interviews with adult stakeholders were held in the setting of their choice - oftentimes in

offices, homes, or the rescue center itself. Questions for the stakeholder interviews also

followed van Manen’s suggestions of staying close to the experience, being very

concrete, and asking for specifics. Specific questions for the stakeholders were the

following:

1. If the girls are not circumcised, will Maasai men want to marry them?

2. Do you think that these girls, waiting until they are 20-25 to get married,

will have trouble finding husbands? Will there be men that age who have

never been married?

3. What do you think is lost or gained by removing these girls from their

homes/culture?

4. How many Maasai still have the diet of curdled milk and blood? Would

that have been the diet of any of these girls?

5. How do you think teachers in mixed high schools feel about these girls

staying in schools and graduating? Is there much harassment of the girls

by male teachers?

6. What do you think about the MTH Center of Hope?

7. What do you think is the main reason fathers are marrying off their

daughters at a young age? (poverty, tradition, money)

8. How many Maasai are still nomadic?

9. Are parents unwilling to educate their daughters because of the potential

money they will earn only going to their husband’s family?

10. What is your understanding of the process of a girl getting to the MTH

Center of Hope?

11. If these girls receive a high school/college education will they be

perceived to be of benefit to the Maasai culture/society?

Observations. I spent about two months in Kenya conducting research over a 16

month period of time. Much of the time was spent in close observation of interactions

and activities of daily life. Max van Manen (1990) says, “Close observation involves an

attitude of assuming a relation that is as close as possible while retaining a hermeneutic

alertness to situations that allows us to constantly step back and reflect on the meaning of

those situations” (p.69). Much of the time I was a participant observer. I played games,

cooked, helped with chores, ate and just talked with the girls most days. When a

researcher observes in this way, according to Ary et al. (2006), he or she “becomes an

insider in the event being observed so that he or she experiences events in the same way

as the participants” (p.475). Other times I was strictly an observer. These times included

observing in schools and churches as well as watching the girls at the center singing in

Kiswahili or during family meetings with the adult authority at the center. While it

would have been awkward and potentially made the girls uncomfortable had I taken notes

during times of observation, I spent hours each night writing reflective notes over the

activities of the day. The notes were both descriptive and reflective and included, at

times, pictures and video of the day. I recorded what I saw, heard, and felt during the

events of the day.

The settings for stakeholder interviews included houses, schools, offices, churches

and the rescue center itself. I carefully noted the settings, others within the setting, and

the level of ease or anxiety the interviewee exhibited. Most seemed quite at ease

answering the interview questions and seemed genuinely concerned about the same

issues with which I was concerned. Most also went into further detail in answering

questions to help me gain clarity of the culture, traditions, and the Maasai people.

Document Analysis. Several different types of documents were analyzed to help

me gain an understanding of the Maasai culture, people, and the phenomenon under

study. Documents obtained from the internet include the Republic of Kenya Sessional

Paper from 2005 which is a policy framework for education, training, and research. The

District Strategic Plan for 2005-2010 for the district where the center is located was also

downloaded from the internet. I was also able to obtain the participant profiles that CCM

keeps on file in their local office, as well as grade reports for the girls when available.

Isaac Kimeli gave me a copy of the five page admissions document that is filled out for

each girl who comes to the center. Within this document are sections to be filled out by

the chief in the area where the girl lives, her head teacher, a children’s department officer,

the pastor or priest, as well as a section for the police report where applicable. A final,

impressive work is a pictorial book by Elizabeth Gilbert (2003) entitled, Broken Spears:

A Maasai Journey. This 192 page hardback is Gilbert’s pictorial journey over a four year

period of time spent with the Maasai.

Data Analysis

Bogdan and Biklen (2007) say, “By data analysis, we mean the process of

systematically searching and arranging the interview transcripts, fieldnotes, and other

materials that you accumulate to enable you to come up with the findings” (p.159). In

order to reduce the stress of an overwhelming amount of data from the two research trips,

I created a file system of 31 file folders, each one representing a day of active data

collection from the two research trips. Since all of the transcribed audio and video

interviews were saved to a separate external hard drive, printed copies were made with

which to work. I transcribed all of my own interviews and when possible had follow-up

conversations with the interviewees to clarify and verify the transcriptions. Tim and

Mary Hooper watched the video interviews, as well as listened to audio recordings of

conversations each evening to help synthesize the information with what they knew to be

true of the culture and the individual in the recording. On several occasions I was able to

have discussions with Isaac Kimeli regarding the transcriptions, and he provided clarity

and helped with meaning. Transcribed interview notes, questionnaires, field notes,

memos, and consent forms from each day were placed in the appropriate folder. A dated

reflective log was kept simultaneously to the other ongoing research but not in each

folder. Each piece of data in the file folders was then copied in order to cut apart and put

into categories. That way I had stored originals in chronological order to refer to when

needed later.

Once all of the information was put in order, I spent hours each day carefully

reading through the data looking for a preliminary list of possible coding categories. Ary

et al. (2006) say the following:

The most common approach is to read and reread all the data and sort them by

looking for units of meaning – words, phrases, sentences, subjects’ ways of

thinking, behavior patterns, and events that seem to appear regularly and that

seem important. (p.492)

I read through each piece of data at least three times, memoing reflections. During this

open coding, I, at times, used in vivo codes of the interviewees and other times created

words that stood for sociological constructs that I felt were being expressed or uncovered.

I used these words as my codes. After the open coding phase was complete and I had

reviewed each transcript, questionnaire, and other forms of documentation, 96 unique

codes emerged.

I then looked at the codes using the constant comparison method (Glaser &

Strauss, 1967, pp. 28-52) to see which ones could be combined into larger categories or

themes or eliminated altogether. Ary et al. (2006) say the following of this process:

Once the data pieces have been coded, they are merged into categories that are

refined through several iterations. After the categories have been refined, the

researcher explores the relationships or patterns across categories, identifying

major themes. The integration of data into themes yields an understanding of the

context and people being studied. (p.494)

During this process, identifiable information was stripped from the girls’ data and

pseudonyms were assigned to each. After reviewing the codes, five themes emerged that

transcend throughout all of the literature, interviews and observations. These themes -

poverty, education, culture, religion and hope - impact the girls’ lives both before and

after their rescue.

I began summarizing data and connecting categories in an effort to find pieces of

information that were important to the alteration of the life dreams of the girls. In using a

combination of interviews, observations, and focus groups, I was able to have a fuller

understanding of the life world of the Maasai girl. Every effort was made to present the

reality of this life world as accurately as possible. During this time I solicited feedback

from the Hoopers regularly to check for accuracy and meaning. On the second research

trip I was able to get participant feedback to help with clarity and to identify inaccuracies

from Isaac Kimeli, Sam, and about half of the girls who were on break from school. I

was able to gain further insight and confirm initial findings. This took place by spending

hours each day with the girls and other people in reflective conversations.

Trustworthiness

I have done my best to represent the realities faced by the Maasai girl-child as

accurately as possible. I was in contact with CCM missionaries throughout the course of

the study to validate descriptions, explanations, and conclusions as accurate and

recognizable to the phenomena being described. I also conducted follow-up interviews

during my final trip to Kenya with key stakeholders to verify the validity of my

interpretations. In utilizing observations, focus groups, and interviews, I was able to

understand the phenomenon under study from various points of view. I also utilized the

code-recode as well as an audit trail as strategies to enhance dependability. All data was

read and re-read as I looked for the units of meaning. These units were initially coded

according to similarities. Specific codes were then put into larger categories, some of

which were linked to become the final five themes. Every effort was made to keep

thorough notes and details of activities, experiences, and decisions.

Transferability. I have provided rich, detailed descriptions of the context of the

study to assist the reader in determining transferability. While generalizability was not

the goal of this research project, I have provided sufficiently accurate descriptions of the

participants and setting of the study so that a potential user of the qualitative findings,

could apply them to another study.

Ethical Considerations

Every effort was made to be certain that the 31 participants understood that their

participation was voluntary. The research interests were presented and permission to

proceed was granted. I gained assent from the girls through an initial, brief questionnaire

that the girls could sign their name to if they chose to participate. Since the girls did not

know me prior to the initial conversation about the study, my hope was that there was no

pressure to please an authority figure. However, I acknowledge that in the culture of the

Maasai, there is, at times, a pretense of compliance to please a Westerner who may be a

potential donor. Written consent was also obtained from the guardian of the minors.

Pseudonyms have been assigned to each participant, location, and specific setting to

protect the privacy of all involved. The stakeholders interviewed were given a time

frame for the interview ahead of time, and I made every effort to meet them where and

when it was convenient for them. Each stakeholder also signed an informed consent

document which can be found in Appendix C. Results presented were reported

truthfully. All original data transcription is stored on the password protected hard drive

of my computer. All original hard copies of questionnaires, documents, and other

artifacts related to the research are stored in a locked file cabinet in my office to be used

for the ongoing research.

CHAPTER FOUR: RESULTS/FINDINGS

Overview

As stated in chapter one, the purpose of the study is to understand how the life

dreams of the girls at the MTH Center of Hope are being altered as a result in a change of

cultural experience. The expanse of the interviews covered not just the girls’ lives since

the time of their rescue, but also their childhoods and the circumstances that brought

them to the rescue center. The themes are broken down into the girls’ past, present, and

future. While the themes do overlap and are multi-dimensional in all three phases of the

girls’ lives, in an effort to comprehend the alteration of life dreams, I chose to process

them in this way. Max van Manen (1990) says that “phenomenological themes are not

objects or generalizations; metaphorically speaking they are more like knots in the webs

of our experiences, around which certain lived experiences are spun and then lived

through as meaningful whole” (p.90).

Since the girls are now out of the painful experiences of (a) poverty and

oppressive (b) cultural practices, those two themes are considered to be in their past. All

of the girls now experience quality (c) education and freedom of (d) religion so those two

themes are considered to be in their present. The future theme of (e) hope or life dreams

is covered through self expressions of the girls as well as plans those in charge of the

rescue center have to help make those dreams a reality.

The participants, rescuers, school names, and other locations are pseudonyms to

protect the identities of all involved. Most of the participants’ exact dates of birth are

unknown; however, many know at least an estimation of the year in which they were

born. Their demographics are varied, although most came out of extreme poverty, and,

according to the stakeholders, most have already undergone FGM.

The experiences of many of the girls who participated in the study led them to

feelings of hopelessness and even, at times, to suicidal thoughts. Paulo Freire (2009) said

that “hope is rooted in men’s incompletion, from which they move out in constant search

– a search which can be carried out only in communion with others. Hopelessness is a

form of silence, of denying the world and fleeing from it” (p.92). While the oversight

committee believes that the rescued girls have been silenced and are searching for their

significance, they believe that hope is rooted in a personal relationship with Jesus Christ

and that humanity was created with a void that only He can fill. Hope and meaning for

life are derived from the knowledge that the Lord of Creation has a specific plan for each

life. That is why Jeremiah 29:11 is the foundational verse for the rescue center. “’For I

know the plans I have for you,’ declares the Lord, ‘plans to prosper you and not to harm

you, plans to give you hope and a future’” (New International Version).

Communion with others who have feelings of hopelessness only produces more

of the same. As this research study evolved, an awareness of more than just an

environmental change unfolded. As I witnessed, the longer the girls were at the center,

the more expressive they became, the less fear they exhibited, and times of spontaneous

praise and worship became more frequent. During the six month period between the two

data gathering trips, I observed that the physical appearance of the girls changed as well

because the quality of food was an improvement over what they were used to, and the

regular meals remained consistent. They also began to trust that education would remain

a long term possibility and so conversations regarding the future broadened and

deepened. As Ary, Jacobs, Razavieh, and Sorensen (2006) stated, “The participants in a

phenomenological study are chosen because they have been through the experience being

investigated and can share their thoughts and feelings about it” (p.461). I utilized

different types of interviews, focus groups, observations, and the review of pertinent

documents for data collection.

This chapter is divided into three main sections: personal experiences, themes,

and summary of findings. While it would have been impractical to elaborate on the

personal experiences of all 31 girls who first came to live at the center, I chose 7 of their

stories to share here in hopes that the reader might understand the lifeworld that is typical

for so many. All seven chosen for this section are Maasai. The evidence is compelling

that the lives of many of the girls would have been cut short had it not been for the rescue

center.

Personal Experiences

The Sisters. The interview took place in the front room of the guard house on the

property of the rescue center several days after I had spent time getting to know them

informally by participating in their daily experiences. The sisters, Lily, Leilani and Aven

whose specific birthdates are unknown, believe themselves to be respectively 17, 16, and

11. They are the oldest of nine children, and both parents are still living. They are

beautiful Maasai girls with easy smiles. While the center never intended to take several

girls from one family, the lives of these girls were in jeopardy and rescue was the only

option. During my final trip to the center, a fourth sister, Kaeya (10) had also been

rescued. All four girls now attend a local primary school together where Lily and Leilani

are both in Grade 7, and Aven and Kaeya are in Grade 4. The love and protection they

have for each other is evidenced daily in their awareness of where the others are at all

times and in helping each other complete chores or other tasks at the center.

The girls are from a town which is about a 45 minute drive from the center. Their

father has only one wife who is expecting their tenth child. Lily did the majority of the

talking during the interview, although Leilani and Aven added significant information.

Their trouble started in 2006 when Lily was 12. Her father called the local witch doctor

to circumcise Lily and Leilani to prepare them for marriage. The girls ran when they

realized what was happening, but the women of the village chased the girls and held them

down on the ground while the witch doctor circumcised them, using crude instruments.

Things became worse from there. Lily shared,

My father began to hassle me to have sex with him. I refused him because I heard

in church that it was dishonoring to God for a father to have sex with his

daughter. When I kept refusing him he kicked me out of the house and told me

that he would kill me if I came back. I walked for two days to my grandfather’s

house that was about 30 kilometers away. I stayed there for a while and my

grandfather promised to talk to my father.

After a period of time with her grandfather, Lily walked back to her home. She

talked with her mom about the situation, and her mom said that the Lord would provide.

Her father was in and out of the home over the next few years as he traveled great

distances to find water and pasture for his cows. The attempted sexual abuse repeated

itself several times, and Lily even went back to her grandfather’s house. She also talked

to an aunt who went and talked with her father. This enraged her father, and he severely

beat Lily causing brain trauma. At this point in the story, Leilani spoke up and talked

about how she knew something was wrong with Lily at school,

We were in class and the teacher told us to stand up. Lily kept sitting. Then the

teacher told us to sit and Lily stood up. I knew of the beating and that my father

had hit Lily repeatedly in the head with a large stone. I was so scared because I

didn’t know what had happened to Lily. We were afraid to tell anyone.

The school administration, not understanding what was wrong with Lily, sent her

home. Her father refused to take her to the hospital and would not give her any food.

She begged food from neighbors but they refused her as well. Lily became despondent at

this point because she felt there was no one who could help her. After a few days her

father left with the cattle again. While he was away Lily’s mother became quite ill. A

neighbor man gave Lily 2,000ks (Kenya Shillings) to take her mom to the hospital.

There it was discovered that her mom had an amoeba in her intestines. When Lily took

her back home they found themselves destitute. A neighbor gave them a little flour and

sugar. Not long after, their father returned. Lily reports,

My father told my mother to leave with the younger children. She refused. He

beat her severely. I think he wanted her to leave so he could have sex with the

older girls. When I denied his sexual advances he would go to Leilani. Leilani

also refused and so he put a curse on me so I would die and the other children

would not act like me. He told me that he had many children so that he could

have sex with them. He gave Leilani money to go back to boarding school but

told me he would not give me anymore school fees. My mother was afraid he

would kill me so she somehow got the funds to send me back to school.

At this point in the story Aven took over. For some reason the mother finally left

the home taking only the youngest four children. Since Lily and Leilani were back at

school Aven was the oldest of the three left in the home. She says,

My father was away with the cows again and so neighbors took us in. When he

returned he was very angry and brought us to the house. One night when he was

drunk he woke us and made us take all of our clothes off. He just stared at us.

Somehow we got away from the house and locked it from the outside. Our

neighbors told us later that he broke the door down. We ran for our lives. I

grabbed some clothes on the way out of the house. I think my siblings went to

neighbor’s houses, but I ran into the bush to hide. I was so scared. I stayed there

for two days. Finally, a pastor came by with his cows and found me there. After

he listened to my story he took me to his house. I told him about Lily and Leilani

too.

The pastor who rescued Aven is a volunteer with the rescue center project and

immediately began work to have the girls placed there. He found out that the witch

doctor was to have circumcised Aven two days after she ran away from the home.

Thankfully, she has been spared. In filing the report for the girls, the pastor and Isaac

Kimeli took them to the police station to have that portion of the report done as well. The

girls did not enjoy doing that but are so afraid for their mother and the other children.

The four sisters look healthy and quite happy now. There is a manhunt of sorts

going on for the father who, if found, will be placed in jail for an extended period of time.

The girls are hopeful that now they can move forward in their education at a normal pace,

since they have missed so much schooling in the past years because of turmoil in the

home. They miss their mother but are not allowed to visit her because it is not safe until

their father is found. In visiting with the girls, they maintain that marriage is a good thing

after girls have gotten their education. They each want children someday and are very

much against circumcision. They love the Maasai culture but not circumcision or forced

marriage. They would tell other girls in their situation to tell their teachers what is going

on at home or go to the police. They are so happy to be at the rescue center and want to

help other girls to be able to come. They feel safe and protected and cheerfully do

whatever is asked of them. They are all in the youth choir at church and can be seen

weeping as they praise the Lord with uplifted hands, knowing that they have been

rescued and given a second chance.

Zahra. Zahra was in grade six when her father decided to marry her off. She

relayed her story in the front room of the guard house on a beautiful sunny day. The

windows were open allowing a soft breeze to blow through. Zahra is soft spoken but has

such a warm, genuine heart. She had on a skirt and a sweater with a collared shirt

underneath. It was a warm day, but Kenyans always seem to want more clothing on than

Westerners would. Zahra knows what she wants out of life and seems determined to

reach specific goals. She doesn’t know her exact birth date but thinks she is about 16.

She wanted to tell her story because she believes it might help other girls who could

potentially read it.

Zahra has six younger siblings, most of whom are in school. If Maasai girls are

allowed to begin primary school, they are typically allowed to stay until they take the

KCPE at the end of Grade 8. For Zahra things were a bit different because her father had

lost so many cows during the drought. She disclosed,

My father is a good man, but he doesn’t have many cows or goats anymore

because the drought has been so bad. When I was in class six my father wanted to

marry me off. The man I was to be married to was 76 years old. My teachers

intervened with the chief, and my father wasn’t allowed to sell me. He allowed

me to stay in school until grade eight but began making plans for me again when I

was about to take the KCPE. I was very stressed when I took the test. At this

point I was circumcised since my father had no intention of letting me continue in

school after the KCPE. I was hurt that my father planned to sell me but there was

nothing to do. I kept quiet but was trying to formulate a plan in my mind of how

to get away. I have friends who are married, and they are not happy.

In the three years of drought (2006 to 2009) in Zahra’s area, which she says is

quite a distance from the center, 98% of the Maasai livestock have died. Fathers look to

their daughters as the only solution to replace their cattle. They are even settling for two

to six cows and a blanket in trade for a daughter which is much less than the normal

price. Since the female chief in Zahra’s area knew of her situation, she kept a close

watch over Zahra. She knew that the girl placed well on her KCPE and qualified for

secondary school, although the family had no funds to send her. When the husband-to-be

started bringing cows to Zahra’s father, the chief knew it was time to intervene. She

contacted the district office who, in turn, contacted CMA. Isaac Kimeli investigated the

situation and brought it before the committee. Her case was approved and she was able

to go immediately to the rescue center. Zahra now says,

I want to get my education as quickly as possible so that I will have a voice in my

community. I want to go back and get my sisters out of that situation before they

are circumcised. Then I want to become a doctor. I want to understand what our

rights are so that I can help others girls understand as well and so that they will be

able to say no to things they do not like.

After Zahra shared her story she also answered a few questions. She said that she

does want to marry someday after she has finished her education and she wants to choose

her own husband. She loves the Maasai culture but would someday like to visit other

cultures, even homes in the United States. She loves being in the choir and youth

program at church. She believes that the churches will help the older generation to see

that some things in the culture are not good for the children, especially the girls. She has

been an average student in school but believes that her grades will now improve since she

does not have to worry about being married off.

Poppy. Poppy’s story was relayed by Isaac Kimeli whose permission was

obtained to use it in print. Poppy’s mother, Lini, was 14 when she was sold to her

husband. Lini had her first child within the first year of marriage. Just after the birth of

her first child, Lini’s husband became sick, and the sickness went on for a long time. He

later found out that what he had was AIDS, but they did not know at the time because

HIV testing was expensive and they could not afford it. Eventually Lini began to

complain of the same symptoms. Her husband sent her away to live in a slum, and that is

where Poppy was born three months later. Lini tried to work with different kinds of

small businesses to help provide food for her two children. She eventually became so

sick that a neighbor took Poppy in. No one could afford school fees for Poppy so she

never started school. When Lini died from complications of AIDS, the neighbor did not

want to continue raising Poppy and so took her back to her father’s house. The father had

taken another wife and they were both very ill. By this time Poppy was 11 years old.

Nursing her ailing father and his second wife along with the chores took all of Poppy’s

time and she still could not go to school. After several episodes of attempted rape by her

father, Poppy ran back to the slum to see if there was anyone there who would take her

in.

Life in the slum proved extremely difficult for Poppy as she had nowhere to stay,

and people were constantly trying to take advantage of her. She tried going back to her

father’s home, but he was in terrible shape and the second wife had died. She went to

live on the beach with the fish-mongers. Life there was even worse for her. The only

way to make money along the lake shore was through prostitution. One day she ran into

a lady who had known Lini, and she told Poppy that she could come and live with her

and her husband. Poppy was finally able to start school. After several years in this home

the man of the house decided that since he had helped to raise Poppy, he would marry her

as his second wife. Poppy ran again. Finally the area chief became aware of her

situation and notified the district office as well as CMA. Her case was reviewed quickly

and she was able to become a resident of the rescue center right away.

Poppy is a sweet girl who loves to cook. She is very thankful for food, clothing,

and a bed. She hasn’t quite begun to dream big enough to know what she wants to do

with the rest of her life, but during my final trip Poppy smiled more and seemed more

relaxed around strangers. She even talked one-on-one but still seemed to keep many

things bottled up. She is one of the girls that Isaac realizes needs extensive counseling

and he is working to get that for her.

Lotus. Lotus’s story was also told by Isaac Kimeli who authorized permission for

its use. Lotus was born in 1994 and was able to attend school from grades one through

five. At some point in her childhood her father became quite ill, and the extended family

chased him and his family away. This was so traumatic for his already sick body that he

died from the stress. The mother took Lotus and her two siblings to another town where

she was able to do laundry for Somali families, and Lotus was able to stay in school.

They lived in a 10x10 foot tin building with a dirt floor in the slum in that town. Lotus

passed her KCPE when she completed the Grade 8 but there was no money for her to go

to secondary school. She decided to repeat the Grade 8 in order to stay off the streets.

Eventually Lotus began working for the Somalis who lived near her home. She

worked after school and on weekends. She washed clothes and dishes and cleaned

houses and collected water. They would provide her with breakfast and lunch on the

weekends and give her 50ks (about 40 U.S. cents) at the end of the day to buy flour. The

school was aware of her situation and allowed her to stay in classes even though she

could not pay the levies. She sometimes worked for the Somalis until 10 p.m. and would

then go home and study. At times she had no paraffin for the lamp so she could not do

her homework. While working for the Somalis, the men began to take advantage of her

sexually. They told her that they would give her money to take care of her mother and

siblings if she would have sex with them. She agreed because her family was destitute,

but it traumatized her because these men knew how impoverished her family was and yet

they still took advantage of the situation.

At the end of her second eighth grade year Lotus took the KCPE again. The head

teacher at her school told her that she could not grow old in the eighth grade, and he

would not allow her to repeat again. She told her mother this, and her mother went to the

chief to see if there was anything that could be done for her daughter. Her teachers

encouraged her to be patient and told her that God is in control of her future. They even

promised to look for a place for her. One of them approached CMA, and after

investigation, her application was approved and she was able to go to the rescue center.

Isaac was able to get her into a secondary boarding school with some of the other girls

from the center, and she is beginning to make progress.

While she is a hard child to get to know, Isaac sees great potential in her and

believes that through love and care she will turn her life around. Presumably because of

the sexual abuse she has suffered, she acts out occasionally around the male workers at

the center by wearing her clothing in provocative ways. The women at the center

lovingly correct these kinds of behaviors and Isaac has even addressed the situation.

Nydia. Nydia has the sweetest, kindest eyes and smile one has ever seen. To

look at her and watch her worship the Lord in song one would never know the pain and

suffering she has endured. She is relatively short for a Maasai, probably not taller than

five feet. She usually wears a denim jumper with a t-shirt underneath when she is not in

school. While she seems fairly shy, she is usually one of the first girls to lead the singing

during praise and worship times at the center. Parts of her story were told by Isaac and

other parts were expressed by Nydia herself during one-on-one work situations with me.

Nydia thinks she is about 16 years of age. Her parents died when she was young, and

after a long search by two chiefs for a relative who might take her in, she was taken to

stay with her sister who was already married.

Things at her sister’s house did not go well, as her sister’s husband began sexually

abusing her when she was in grade six. By the time she was 13 she became pregnant by

him. She was sent away to the town where her parents had lived to deliver the baby.

Culturally she was not allowed to nurse the baby, and so the baby remained under the

care of her aged grandmother.

After the delivery of the baby the chief in her parents’ area gave her a letter to

take back to the chief in the area in which her brother-in-law lives. The letter stated that

the brother-in-law should be arrested and made to face charges. However, the man

disappeared and has not been found. Nydia said that her sister would not speak against

her husband because he was her only source of survival. This hurt Nydia greatly. She

decided to step out with courage and walked back to her school. There she confided her

story to one of her teachers who decided to help her so that she could recover from all

that she had been through. This single lady took her in, and with help from other

teachers, she was able to feed and clothe Nydia and keep her in school. Nydia was able

to pass her KCPE in 2008. Another teacher in the school happens to be the chairlady for

the oversight committee for the rescue center. She brought Nydia’s case before the

committee and was given approval to allow Nydia to become a resident at the rescue

center. Nydia is so grateful for the opportunity to be at the center and to be sponsored to

go to a boarding school where she can finish her secondary education. She said she could

not imagine ever being in secondary school. She has shed many tears of joy and

thankfulness since her rescue. She thanks her sponsors and the employees of CMA

continually.

Linnea. Linnea is a small, rather reserved girl who seems serious much of the

time. During breaks from school she can usually be found in the dining room working on

extra physics or biology lessons. Her story is also used with permission from Isaac.

Linnea was born in 1995. Her father died soon after of complications from AIDS. Since

her father did not own property that she and her mother could live on, they were chased

out of the area by family members. They moved to a different town where Linnea’s

mother lived with a man who became a temporary foster father to Linnea. Linnea and

her mother regularly attended church, and Linnea was sponsored by a member of the

church to go to the Presbyterian Church School. She was a leader in Sunday school, and

the adults could tell that she was a bright girl. Her foster father did not have a job and her

mother relied on support from well wishers and non government organizations that

brought food into the area.

Because of their poverty, some of the Maasai elders who knew of their situation

began planning for Linnea’s marriage saying that she was once under their care which

gave them the right to make the decision. The local administration stepped in and

contacted CMA. Isaac went to her home to conduct the investigation and found that her

family was living in a small rented metal house which he deemed ‘pathetic.’ Because her

grades from primary school were so high, as well as her score on the KCPE, Isaac was

able to get her into a good boarding school as well as a place at the rescue center.

One interesting note regarding Linnea, when she first came to live at the rescue

center, she said that she wanted to be an engineer someday. Because of her love for

reading, she read one of the library books at the rescue center about Ben Carson (2009)

called Gifted Hands: The Ben Carson Story. She was so impacted by the book that she

has changed her mind and now wants to become a neurosurgeon. She says that she wants

to help people and desires for God to aid her in healing people with dire needs just as Ben

Carson does. During her first year at the rescue center, her marks in school were so high

that Isaac was able to get her into another school that is known for its tough academics.

Linnea is excited about her future and is looking forward to all that God will do in and

through her life. She studies hard because she knows she does not have the funds to pay

for a university education but she is hopeful that she can receive low interest loans from

the government or that a sponsor will see how well she is doing and want to help pay her

way through the university.

Asphodel. Asphodel, born in 1993, is one of the oldest girls at the center. Her

story is unique in that she has already been married, although she will never again live

with her husband. She is tall and reserved and yet commands respect. She is very

willing to share her story because she is so thankful to have been rescued out of such a

bad situation. Asphodel and I had extended periods of time over several days to visit.

Since she is Mary Hooper’s sponsored daughter, Mary had already related much of her

story.

Asphodel was born and raised in Maasailand and was sold into marriage at the

age of 14. Her husband was a matatu driver. A matatu is a minivan that is used for

public transportation. She says she was so naïve when she married that she didn’t even

fully know what it meant. When she went home with her husband, she found out that her

mother-in-law was a witch doctor. She lived in that home for three years. During that

time she did not conceive a child and was beaten regularly because the infertility was

assumed to be her fault. Her mother-in-law also wanted her to practice witchcraft,

something she refused to do. Her refusal also brought on more beatings. Finally, she had

enough suffering and ran away from her husband’s home and back to her father’s. She

says that her parents were bitter with her for not staying with her husband as it is

disgraceful for a daughter to run back to her father’s home once married. Her parents

gave her food, but she was made to sleep alone under a tree at night. Her parents would

not pay for any more education as they had younger children who were in school.

Asphodel sought readmission to school on her own. She was allowed back in school and

was allowed to wear pants since she could not afford the uniform.

During the summer of 2008, Mary Hooper and a group from the U.S. conducted a

volleyball camp at Asphodel’s school. When she heard the Hooper’s plans to start a

rescue center in a nearby town, she spoke with Mary alone one day and told her the story

of her marriage and abuse. Isaac went to her home and verified her story. At that point

there were no dorms on the site, so Mary began sponsoring her to go to a boarding school

and then stay with teachers during the breaks. Asphodel was very thankful for the

opportunity. As soon as the dorms were ready, she was one of the first girls to arrive at

the center. She was overjoyed to see Mary again. She is trying hard in school, but her

education has been so fragmented that she struggles even to obtain Cs. Her GPA is

usually a 1.0. This is discouraging for her, but she is willing to continue trying. She

dreams of becoming a doctor someday, possibly to show her former mother-in-law what

real medicine is.

100

The girls at the center know much about the art of beading, so one of the

microbusiness opportunities that has come about is for the girls to make jewelry for teams

from the U.S. to take back to the States to sell. The money is then put towards daily

operations at the center. On Mary’s first outing to purchase beads, she and I took

Asphodel, since she knew of a bead shop in the closest town. This particular town is

quite crowded with several thousand people in a confined area. It is a major thoroughfare

between other towns and actually has paved roads. The town has many small shops and

offices, but most people who live there do not have jobs. Hundreds of people stand

around all day, and donkeys roam free, eating from garbage heaps that are piled along the

road. Mary and I followed Asphodel through the town and down a small alleyway.

Since Mary and I were the only white faces around, our entourage drew many stares and

comments in Kiswahili. Asphodel seemed a bit uncomfortable and stated that she was

embarrassed because she wasn’t used to being with people who drew so much attention.

Themes

As previously stated, the themes that came out of the research transcend

throughout the girls’ stories, the interviews, many of the observations, and the literature

as well. As van Manen (1990) says, “Themes are the stars that make up the universes of

meaning we live through. By the light of these themes we can navigate and explore such

universes” (p.90). While the five themes discussed here tend to overlap each other in

some respects, each is a foci around which the phenomenological descriptions of the

lifeworld of the girls in the study could be built. The theme of culture overshadows many

aspects of the girls’ lives and may be the very element that, if changed, would most

effectively alter the other four themes of poverty, education, religion, and hope.

101

Not all Maasai would consider themselves to be poor or in constant search of food

and shelter, but certainly each of the girls in this study came from economically and

emotionally impoverished situations. For some of the girls, the abject poverty was life-

threatening. All of the girls have had some education, but for most it has been

fragmented because of multiple moves, inability to pay fees consistently each year, or

desperate needs within their homes requiring their attention. Most of the girls realize that

their educational foundation is not solid and that it will take initiative on their part to

spend time reviewing and studying outside of the classroom and during breaks. That is

one reason the library at the center has become so vital for the girls; it is filled with

educational books beginning at an early primary level, so that the girls have additional

tools for their educational success.

While many of the negative cultural experiences the girls have endured cannot be

reversed or forgotten, each of them hopes that they can now be facilitators of change for

their younger sisters and their own daughters someday. Some of the girls resisted these

cultural experiences, but many did not understand that they could, and obviously did not

have the means to aid them in resistance. Most of the girls profess a strong faith in Christ

as well as a fear of witchcraft which has been interlaced with painful and frightening

experiences. The girls love to sing praise and worship songs in English, Kiswahili and

their own dialects. The Maasai are quite expressive in church - dancing and shouting in

the aisle, falling to their faces in anguish, raising their hands or shouting out in agreement

with something the pastor says. The hope for the future of the Maasai girl-child is a

theme explored as its own entity but tied directly to overcoming poverty, achieving as

102

much education as possible, finding their voice within their culture and developing their

relationship with Christ.

In all of my travels throughout Southern and Western Kenya, I never heard a

negative or even hesitant word about the MTH Center of Hope. Countless people offered

their praises and words of thanks for what CCM is facilitating in Southern Kenya.

However, because it is still considered a Third World country with uneducated and

sometimes uncivilized people in the remote areas, Westerners are warned not to travel at

night whether in towns or in the bush. They are told that some tribes view white people

as having money, and while most Kenyans would not harm a white person, they would

potentially rob them. The Hoopers tried each day to leave the center, shopping area, or

interview with plenty of day light left. While I was with them, traveling at night was

unavoidable a handful of times. All but one of those times was uneventful. On one

particular night in a remote area of the bush the Hoopers along with my husband and I

were forced to drive about an hour’s distance back to the Hoopers home well after dark.

On this occasion, a pickup truck carrying an unknown number of people followed us for

quite a while before finally attempting to run us off of the road. Thankfully, the Hoopers

pickup proved the better of the two, and we were able to get away. The incident was

proof of one type of danger that exists even when trying to help the people of the area.

Poverty. The very nature of poverty is complex and multidimensional. By broad

definition it can mean having an income lower than what is necessary to provide food,

clothing, shelter, and other necessities. It can also mean the inaccessibility to education

and medical care, not having a job, being unable to read or speak properly as well as

living day-to-day, uncertain of how needs will be met. Samuel Kunhiyop (2008) says,

103

“A number of factors have contributed to the problem of poverty on the African

continent. These include overpopulation, inadequate health care, illiteracy, war and civil

unrest, corruption, and famine” (p.139). Kunhiyop quotes a Nigerian Human

Development Report as saying that the manifestations of poverty are “prostitution,

exposure to risks, corruption, robbery, street life, increased unemployment, living in

squalor, shanties, shackles, high infant mortality, acute malnutrition, short life

expectancy, human degradation, living in overcrowded and often poorly ventilated

homes” (p.138). While the Maasai can survive on 1,000 calories a day and build their

houses out of simple, accessible natural resources, and by choice have very few articles

of clothing, their measurements of poverty are considerably different than most of the rest

of the world. The reader will see, however, in the narratives that follow that the

manifestations of poverty described above permeate the stories of the rescued girls.

The role that poverty has taken in the lives of the girls is multifaceted. Ilima and

Flora are examples of girls who survived for long periods of time off of just the noon

meal at school during the week and whatever they could beg from neighbors and teachers

on the weekends. When Zinnia showed up for classes the first day, her clothes were in

such tatters that the principal hid her until the teachers could come up with a uniform for

her. Lotus, Rose, Amantha and others came from slums where there is no security

walking to and from school or even in their own shack as there are no locks on doors or

covers on windows. Rape and abuse are prevalent. Even in the slums people must pay a

meager rent, and when there is very little money, the people must choose between paying

rent and eating. Flora’s parents were often forced to choose paying the rent over eating

and that meant days without food for the entire family. This can be devastating for

104

students who rely on the school meals during the terms but then are at home during the

month-long breaks. Many NGO’s work in the slums in Kenya and provide food and

other necessities for the people living there, but when there is a shortage, children die

simply from starvation.

As mentioned in the story of the sisters, medical care is often inaccessible unless

someone outside of the family intervenes. Several of the girls spoke of one or both

parents dying and not even knowing what they died from because they couldn’t afford

medical care. Cliantha and Calantha were to be sold into marriage simply because their

families could no longer afford the school fees. Delphine, Jasmine, and Ianthe were to be

sold to help feed the rest of their families. Isaac Kimeli said that marrying off daughters

is now the only source of income for some families who have lost all of their livestock to

drought. Rose’s father abandoned the family because he could not provide for them. Her

mother cleaned the school in exchange for Rose’s fees to attend. The local chief

considered Rose’s case one of extreme poverty because she and her mother had nothing

to eat and were trying to survive alone in a slum. Peri and her mother also lived in a slum

and could not afford the fees to attend secondary school. Peri’s mother was determined

that she would rather die than to see her daughter end up in the streets where there was

HIV/AIDS. She talked to many people in an effort to get her daughter out of the slum

and was finally connected with CCM who was able to obtain a place at the rescue center

for Peri. Yolanda is from a town that is extremely poor as well. The people of the town

rely on food distribution from NGO and other Christian organizations. It was during one

of those food distributions by CCM that Yolanda was rescued. Her grandmother

approached a CCM worker and pointed out the men who had come to take her to be

105

married. The CCM workers provided a ride for the girl and her grandmother and took

them to a place of safety while her situation could be verified. Iris’s mother was a

prostitute and did not take care of Iris. Their situation became so pathetic that Iris

decided to commit suicide rather than continue to witness the things that went on in her

life which included the potential of marrying a 90-year-old man. Before she could carry

out her plan, a pastor and his family took her in. They were then able to get Iris in touch

with CCM and the rescue center. Ayanna was able to attend school through Grade 5. At

that time her mother died, and community members couldn’t find other family members

to take her in. Most of her relatives had died of AIDS. An elderly woman in the village

finally took her in so that Ayanna could fetch water for her and prepare her food. She

stayed in school, although she did not perform well. The local administration knew she

could do better and contacted CCM who secured for her a place at the rescue center.

Camellia and Ivy were to be sold into marriage simply so their families would have

money to pay to educate their brothers. Hana’s father denied that she belonged to him;

therefore, he refused to pay for her school fees. Her mother struggled along trying to pay

the fees as long as she could but was overwhelmed by the burden. When she was no

longer able to pay and it appeared that the girl would be sold, the teachers and chief in the

area brought her situation to CCM.

Once the girls have been accepted into the rescue center, it is Isaac Kimeli’s

responsibility to see that they have all of the necessities for life there. He makes certain

that each one has plenty of clothing, including uniforms for school, and shoes. He also

keeps in close contact with the matron at the center so that there is always plenty of

nutritious food and any medicines the girls might need. The dorms have been decorated

106

by teams from the U.S. and are beautiful and secure. The chief is very impressed with

the conditions the girls are living in now and says that they are being fed and clothed

better than ever before. The chief’s wife who is on the oversight committee for the center

said that most Maasai want their daughters to come to the center and will sometimes fake

desperate need. She says that the center is not a place for those struggling with poverty;

it is a place for girls whose lives are in danger or who are to be forced into early marriage

and FGM.

Education. Since education was thought to be one of the key factors that could

affect change in the lives of the girls living at the rescue center, much of my effort was

focused on gaining information from and about schools in the district as well as teachers

and curriculum. I visited four schools: two are co-ed day schools for primary students,

another is a co-ed primary and secondary combined school in a slum, and the fourth is an

all girls’ boarding school for grades one through eight. I was able to interview several

teachers and two head teachers at the schools, as well as the Assistant Director of

Education for the district, Mr. Koyati. Valuable information was gained from each

conversation, especially the insights that differed between the male and female

respondents.

During the focus group with the secondary girls at the rescue center, I found that

each of the girls has the desire to attend college. When asked how likely they thought it

would be for them to attend college, the general consensus was that it would be very

likely. When asked how they hoped to fund the additional years of schooling, they

responded by saying that they hoped to find a sponsor who would see how hard they were

trying and would be willing to sponsor them. Later, during a follow up interview with

Isaac Kimeli,

he shared his thoughts on how difficult the issue of tertiary ed

these girls. While a few may be granted low interest loans because of obtaining high

grades, working to pay their way through is out of the question. Isaac said that because

of the high unemployment rate in the country

areas in colleges and universities already have college degrees and have not been able to

find any other gainful employment.

Table 4.1 Participant Questionnaire

100

1 2

0 21

0 7

5 14

0 19

95 28

PERCENT

107

he shared his thoughts on how difficult the issue of tertiary ed

these girls. While a few may be granted low interest loans because of obtaining high

grades, working to pay their way through is out of the question. Isaac said that because

of the high unemployment rate in the country

, those working in fo

od service or janitorial

areas in colleges and universities already have college degrees and have not been able to

find any other gainful employment.

Table 4.1 Participant Questionnaire

3 4 5 6 7 8

47 5 77 26 15 23

30 47 0 7 12 64

17 37 0 4 73 14

0 11 0 11 0 0

7 0 23 52 0 0

PARTICIPANTS

he shared his thoughts on how difficult the issue of tertiary ed

ucation is for

these girls. While a few may be granted low interest loans because of obtaining high

grades, working to pay their way through is out of the question. Isaac said that because

od service or janitorial

areas in colleges and universities already have college degrees and have not been able to

9 10

45 41

41 0

14 59

0 0

108

Table 4.1 displays the results of the questionnaire that can be found in Appendix

D. The girls at the center were given a 10 question document and were instructed for

most of the questions to choose the best of three to five possible answers. Four of the

questions allowed the girls to choose more than one answer. Question one asked how

long the girl would like to stay in school. The overwhelming response was until she

graduates from college. Question two asked why the girl wanted more education. The

top response was to become more knowledgeable about many areas of life, followed by

to get a good job and to provide for her family. Question three asked who in her

immediate family had attended school. The majority chose their brother(s), followed by

sister(s). Question four asked about the highest number of years someone in their family

had attended school. Most responses for this question were five to eight years followed

by nine to twelve years. The fifth question asked the girl what she would like to be doing

in five years. The majority of girls said that they would like to still be in school. The

only other answer selected by the girls for this question was that they would like to have

a job.

Question six asked what the girl would like to be doing in 10 years. Over half of

the girls responded with the answer that said she would like to have a job, followed by

still being in school. Question seven asked the girl what she wanted for her own children

educationally someday. The vast majority of responses indicated that the girls want their

children to go to a university. Question eight asked the girls how they think their female

teachers feel about girls getting more education. The majority said that they believe the

female teachers want the girls to get as much education as possible. Question nine asked

how the male teachers feel about girls getting more education. Most responded that they

109

think the male teachers feel the same about girls and boys getting an education. Question

10 asked the girls how they think the boys in their schools feel about girls getting more

education. Most responded that boys think girls shouldn’t get as much education as boys

should.

One of the head teachers said that a public teacher’s college costs about 25,000ks

each year which includes tuition and boarding but not extras such as books and fees. A

private teacher’s college costs twice that much. There are technical institutes and

vocational schools that train mechanics and electricians but no other skills that would be

suitable for girls. In order to become a teacher one simply must have graduated from

form four and received a high score on the KCSE. To become a head teacher one must

have graduated from a teacher’s college which is a two year program and have five years

of teaching experience. Mr. Koyati says that female teachers are paid the same amount

as male teachers and even more if they are better educated. The district does not offer

any in-service training for current teachers.

I discussed at great length the past and present condition of schools in the district

with Mr. Koyati. He was very honest and yet surprisingly positive about the challenges

that he faces in a district that is considered to be a hardship area. In 2003 when the

government first announced its Free Primary Education initiative, schools were flooded

with students. The overcrowding became so bad that parents who could afford to pull

their children out of public schools did so in favor of private education. Mr. Koyati says

that there are still classrooms with 90-100 students and only one teacher. Overcrowding

was something I witnessed in each of the four schools I visited. He admitted that

students in private schools perform better on exams than their public school counterparts

110

because those in the public schools continue to deal with overcrowding and

understaffing.

Since some of the schools in his district are remote, Mr. Koyati encourages

families in those areas to build proper houses for teachers. In areas such as this where

teacher housing is not an option, the schools end up being quite understaffed because the

teachers do not want to travel great distances to teach at those schools. He did add that

over the last ten years there has been a fourfold increase in schools in the district, which

make them more accessible to both the students and the teachers. He also confessed that

he knows students in his district who walk up to 20 kilometers to school each day and

start their journey as early as 3 a.m. I asked about mobile schools which have been tried

in other areas of Kenya, but Mr. Koyati says that no mobile schools have been tried in his

district.

The issue of school feeding programs came up in most conversations with

educators and is an issue that has affected many of the rescued girls. Mr. Koyati says that

the World Food Program provided the school feeding programs for many schools in his

district up until 2007 when they were phased out. The government then initiated the

Home Grown School Feeding Program which was designed to empower communities by

having local residents to grow the food to sell to the schools. In the semi-arid areas such

as Mr. Koyati’s district, the program failed due to the lack of rain to grow the crops. For

schools in and around slums, NGO’s have continued to provide lunches knowing that it is

the only meal of the day for the majority of those students. In 2009 many of Mr. Koyati’s

schools in less populated areas of the district closed simply because there was no food.

Today most of them have reopened.

111

At one of the primary schools I visited, there is no feeding program, but the head

teacher is seeking ways to provide food for her students who walk an average of four to

five kilometers to get to school each day. Understanding that her students cannot

perform their best in the classroom if they are hungry, this head teacher is starting

gardens and a water collection system from which to water them. She has ideas of

putting in fish ponds and raising rabbits for food. She wants the students to be actively

involved in each of these areas so that they can go back to their homes and do the same

things.

The other co-ed primary school I visited does have a school feeding program.

The students are required to bring a stick with them to school each day. These sticks are

then used for the cooking fire over which large pots of beans and rice mixtures are

cooked which were provided by Feed the Children. The co-ed primary/secondary school

I visited is in the second largest slum in Nairobi, and the noon meals are provided daily

by an NGO. While visiting in the home of one of the rescued girls, Cliantha, I met her

sister, Azami, who was at home because her school was currently out of water and had no

electricity. The students are on strike because of this. The school is an all girl’s boarding

school with 500 students, 10 teachers, and 1 matron. Azami feels that if her school were

an all boys’ school, the government would see to it that it had water and electricity.

FAWE has opened all girls’ schools, which they call Centres of Excellence, all

over Kenya and other countries in Africa. I was able to visit one of those as well. It was

very interesting and provided insight into what many of the girls from the MTH Center of

Hope experience at boarding school. This particular school opened in 1959 as an African

Inland Church (AIC) school. It was started by missionaries and was originally a rescue

112

center as well. In 1963 the government took over and began paying the teachers’ salaries

and providing supplies. There are now 706 primary girls living and studying at the

school. The school employs 20 teachers, two counselors, and a head teacher. The head

teacher granted an interview and very openly discussed the issues associated with running

an all girl’s school. She said that all of the teachers are Christians even though some of

the students are Muslim. The library is kept under tight lock and key since there are few

books. The girls are allowed in the library once a week for an hour each time and are not

allowed to check the books out of the library.

Two of the girls from the rescue center were at this school because they needed

extra tutoring even though it was during one of their term breaks. The head teacher

allowed me to visit their classroom which was filled with 98 Grade 7 girls being taught

math by a female teacher. All of the students were well behaved and attentive even

though they were in very crowded conditions. The head teacher allowed the two girls

from the MTH Center of Hope to come out of class so that I could give them treats and

visit for a few minutes. As the tour continued, the head teacher spoke to other students

who were playing games in different areas of the school. She said that these girls did not

need tutoring but were rescued girls who could not go home on breaks because it was not

safe for them. The head teacher was quite proud of the level of academics at her school.

She said that last year all 92 of her Grade 8 students passed the KCPE with high enough

scores to qualify them for secondary schools.

The head teacher explained some of the rules and policies for her Centre of

Excellence. She said that their motto is ‘Girl Taking Care of Girl.’ They have a

hierarchy of sorts where the older girls are responsible for taking care of behavior and

113

even some counseling issues with the younger girls. If issues are not resolved on that

level, then they are taken to the teachers. If a girl is found to be pregnant, she is asked to

leave. If a girl is found to be HIV positive then she may stay, and the school will supply

her with the necessary medications. Girls are not automatically tested for HIV/AIDS, but

the teachers understand the signs, so when a case is suspected, then the girl is tested.

The school is typical of so many in the district in that the water supply is limited.

Most schools allow the girls one bucket of water each for the week. It is to be their

drinking water as well as the water they use to bathe with and wash their clothes. Each of

the dormitories houses 44 girls in 22 bunk beds which are covered from ceiling to floor

with mosquito nets. Food in this and other boarding schools is not extravagant but

adequate and nutritious. Breakfast is typically some form of porridge. Tea is served at

10 a.m. Lunch consists of githeri which is a combination of ground corn and beans.

Supper is usually rice and ugali. Meat is generally served one day a week as is some kind

of fruit.

Several issues arose consistently during interviews with teachers and other adult

stakeholders. One of the issues was “who encourages female students to stay in school,

the male or the female teachers?” The opinions were very strong. While most female

teachers and stakeholders said that female teachers encourage the girls more, most male

teachers and stakeholders believe that male teachers encourage the girls more. The adult

males who answered this question reasoned that female teachers are jealous of the female

students and do not want them to achieve more than they had. Other male participants

said that female teachers suppress the female students because they are seen as

competition. One of the female head teachers interviewed said that her male teachers are

114

more encouraging, and it seems that the female teachers are always punishing the female

students. The other female head teacher believes that the female teachers are more

encouraging because they see girls as the culture changers of the future. Interestingly

enough, from the questionnaires given to the rescued girls at the MTH Center of Hope,

the majority of the girls said that their male teachers are more encouraging. In listening

to the girls’ stories though, it was both male and female teachers who rescued some of

them. Most of the educated adults interviewed agreed that all students need to be

encouraged to stay in school if the culture is to change.

An issue that is not discussed as much is that of female students being sexually

harassed or assaulted by male teachers. None of the teachers or other stakeholders

brought this up, but when I questioned them about it, they each admitted that it is a

problem to varying degrees. Mr. Koyati feels that it rarely happens and in isolated

instances only. He says that when it does happen, the girl is required to tell her parents

first and then may be allowed to report it to school officials if her parents give their

blessing to do so. He also admitted that there is corruption involved even in cases such as

this, and male teachers might bargain with the girl’s father so that he won’t prosecute.

Others said that it does happen, but when it is found out, the government takes action. If

a boy in a co-ed school rapes a girl and it is found out, then he will be beaten. One

problem within the Maasai culture is that there is no word for rape in their language, so it

is not seen as a crime.

When asked why the educated teachers and stakeholders were allowed to obtain

additional years of schooling, most said that one or both of their parents had been

educated as well. Some said that their father was the least favored of the sons, so he was

115

allowed to attend school. That, in turn, made him want to educate his own children.

Some said they begged their parents or gained sympathy from the chief or local

administration personnel who then required their parents to allow them to attend. Others

said that local missionaries sponsored them. All were extremely thankful for their

education and are educating their own children as well as helping other relatives to stay

in school.

Table 4.2 Schools in the District______________________________________

Level Private Public

Total Number of

Schools Enrollment

Early Childhood

Development 161 92 253 Boys - 3,751

Girls - 3, 501

Primary Schools 115 110 225 Boys - 13,730

Girls - 12,605

Secondary Schools 48 24 72 Boys - 1,900

Girls - 2,317

Teachers Colleges 2

Universities 1

Teachers in the District

Level Male Female

Total

Early Childhood

Development 31 475 506

Primary Schools 294 381 530

Secondary Schools 225 305 530

__________________________________________________________________

Table 4.2 is a compilation of information given to me by Mr. Koyati and applies

to his district only. It details the number of schools in the district as well as enrollment in

116

the schools where data was available. Also reflected is the data on the number of male

versus female teachers at each level.

Culture. In seeking to understand the cultural issues facing the girls at the MTH

Center of Hope, I spent hours in both formal and informal interviews in many different

settings. As previously mentioned I was able to visit four schools, five churches, five

homes, several small and large towns within a three hour radius of the center, a moran

celebration ceremony, an oversight committee meeting, and a host of other scheduled and

unscheduled meetings or visits. These encounters took place in locations which varied

widely, from the center of Nairobi to the most remote areas in the bush where there are

more wild animals than people. All of these experiences gave a broad and vivid picture

of the Maasai culture and how it compared to the way other Kenyan’s live. Table 4.3

displays the results of the questionnaire given to the stakeholders.

Question one asked the stakeholders what they believe is the main reason a girl

would come to rescue center. The majority chose the answer that mentioned avoiding

early marriage and FGM. Question two asked how much education they think the girls

will now be able to pursue since they are living at the center. An equal number of

responders said that they should be able to attend some university classes or graduate

from a university. Question three asked how well the girls would be received back into

their communities if they only stay at the center for a year or less. Most thought that the

communities would be suspicious of them, others thought they would be welcomed back

or that they would bring a higher bride price. Question four asked the stakeholders how

well the girls would be received back into their communities if they graduate from

secondary school. Most responses indicated that the girls would be treated as more

valuable and that they would be welcomed back with open arms.

previous two questions one step further by asking how well the girls would be received

back into their communities if th

responders by far felt that the girls would be treated with respect.

Table 4.3 Stakeholder Questionnaire

Question six asked the stakeholders how they think Maasai parents feel about

sending

their girls to school. The majority chose either that they think it is a waste of

time and money or that the money is better spent on a son. Question seven asked who

they believe is most in support of Maasai girls receiving an education. The answers wer

close with the majority believing that it is the mothers who are most in support

1 2

15 0

0 20

0 40

70 40

PERCENT

117

valuable and that they would be welcomed back with open arms.

Question five took the

previous two questions one step further by asking how well the girls would be received

back into their communities if th

ey graduate from a university. The greatest number of

responders by far felt that the girls would be treated with respect.

Table 4.3 Stakeholder Questionnaire

Question six asked the stakeholders how they think Maasai parents feel about

their girls to school. The majority chose either that they think it is a waste of

time and money or that the money is better spent on a son. Question seven asked who

they believe is most in support of Maasai girls receiving an education. The answers wer

close with the majority believing that it is the mothers who are most in support

3 4 5 6 7 8

25 42 17 44 8 6

6 0 0 44 31 53

31 0 0 6 23 0

25 50 83 0 23 12

13 8 0 6 15 29

STAKEHOLDERS

Question five took the

previous two questions one step further by asking how well the girls would be received

ey graduate from a university. The greatest number of

Question six asked the stakeholders how they think Maasai parents feel about

their girls to school. The majority chose either that they think it is a waste of

time and money or that the money is better spent on a son. Question seven asked who

they believe is most in support of Maasai girls receiving an education. The answers wer

close with the majority believing that it is the mothers who are most in support

, followed

9 10

19 40

25 15

19 15

25 15

12 15

118

by teachers/school administrators and the government. Question eight addressed five of

the concepts that the Ministry of Education in Kenya believe are aims and objectives for

primary education. The stakeholders were to choose the one they personally believed

most important. Over half believe that helping Maasai girls grow toward maturity and

self-fulfillment and becoming useful members of society was the most important.

Question nine listed five subjects taught in schools and asked the stakeholders to choose

the one they felt was most important for Maasai girls. The same amount of responders

chose home science/domestic science and mathematics as the most important, and

religion as least. Question 10 asked the stakeholders whom they believe should be

responsible for the costs associated with the education of Maasai girls. By quite a

margin, they believe that the parents are the ones who should assume the responsibility.

The movie The Lion King (1994) made the phrase ‘Hakuna Matata’ one of the

most well known phrases from the Kiswahili language, literally meaning ‘there are no

worries.’ This is very true of the Maasai people. They are easygoing and never in a rush

to get anywhere. In some ways the lifestyle is to be admired, but other times it can be

very frustrating. On several occasions interview times and locations were changed at the

last minute because the interviewee was detained or forgot to mention that they needed to

meet somewhere else. One key informant was only interviewed informally after church

one Sunday because he never arrived at scheduled times or places. My structured,

precise, and organized interview schedule was changed over and over again because of

“African Time.” However, it is also culturally appropriate and even encouraged to stop

at someone’s home without an invitation. I did this on a few occasions and was

graciously welcomed in and treated to tea. The Maasai homes I visited were neat and

119

very similar and considered some of the nicer homes in the area. They had concrete floors

that were either painted or covered with Linoleum. The walls were either particle board

or painted wood with pictures tacked to the walls. The homes were primarily furnished

with up to six simple couches in the living rooms, and a coffee table in the center. Not all

of the houses had indoor plumbing. While I saw many of the cow dung and stick homes

as well as the shacks in the slums, I did not visit inside any of those.

One such visit was to the home of one of the rescued girls. Since the rescued

girl’s name is Cliantha, her mother is called Mama Cliantha. Mama Cliantha is a large,

proud Maasai woman who does not speak any English. She dresses in the typical bright

red shukas with multicolored beading covering much of her head, neck and waist.

Through a translator at a warrior celebration, she invited me to her home for tea the

following day. Around 10 a.m. Mary Hooper and I arrived at her home. It was very nice

for a traditional Maasai. Mama Cliantha met us in the field in front of her home and

ushered us in to her living room. Mary and I were shown where to sit on the couches,

and a younger daughter who was at home and spoke English came in and visited. Mama

Cliantha disappeared.

Mama Cliantha was gone for quite some time, and when asked, the younger

daughter said that she was actually preparing a meal. Mary asked if we might see the

kitchen. The group, which by now included a couple of small grandsons, went outside to

a small wooden building. Since there was no electricity it took a few minutes for eyes to

adjust to the dimness and smoke of the interior. Mama Cliantha was sitting in the middle

of the room on a stool stoking a small fire. The room had a dirt floor on which were

several pots that held raw meat, potatoes and vegetables. Mama Cliantha appeared quite

120

satisfied with the feast that she was preparing and indicated that she wanted her picture

taken with the food. After several pictures were taken from different angles the party was

led back outside where the daughter gave a brief tour of the property. She narrated that

when Mama Cliantha’s husband passed away, the land and animals were divided between

the two wives. An NGO came through the area several years before and put in a

windmill for several families in the area. Mama Cliantha started a garden at that time

which has done quite well, generating enough produce to sell at a local market.

The uncles in the family have come several times in an attempt to sell Cliantha

for cattle. Mama Cliantha has intervened and even been beaten because she hid Cliantha

so that she would not be sold. Cliantha contacted Chief Saitoti who took care of her until

the rescue center opened. Mama Cliantha, who is now 55, was married at 15. She did

not know her husband before she married him. She said that did not even fully

understand that she was married to him until she was 25. She never went to school,

although her brothers did. She always wanted to go to school and; therefore, has made

certain that both of her girls get an education.

I discussed at length with each stakeholder the issue of Maasai marriage. They

agreed that most marriages are not for love but are born out of necessity. Even though

there are laws against early marriage and the selling of daughters, the Maasai continue to

defy the law in favor of their traditions and culture. Wives will help choose new wives

for their husbands based on who can cook or is healthy enough to take care of the manual

labor around the home. In cases of divorce within the tribe, the dowry is not returned,

and any children born during the marriage stay with the husband. The wife is the one

who must leave the home. Dowries must be paid, or the belief is that something bad will

121

happen in the marriage or the marriage will not be seen as legitimate. Dowries can be

paid out over several years. Because the drought has claimed the lives of so many cows,

the universal price for a bride now in Maasailand is three cows, two sheep, a few goats,

blankets, beer, honey, and money. If a girl has more value the price could be ten cows

and 150,000ks. The price is always negotiable. Maasai men believe that it is better not

to have daughters than not to have cows. As cows die from drought or disease, the age of

girls being sold into marriage decreases as well. Some girls are sold at such young ages

that they are not even aware that such an exchange has taken place. The girl might

simply go to live with another family one day and be raised with the rest of the children.

When she reaches the age of puberty, she will be told that she is actually married to the

man of the home and be taken to him that night. From that day forward she is treated as a

wife with all of the duties and responsibilities. Wife sharing among the men’s age sets

still occurs today although most stakeholders agree that it is beginning to phase out.

In a conversation with the chief one day, he was the first to talk about the beatings

men may get if they attempt or actually commit incest with a daughter. He said that

when the village women find out, they organize early one morning and go to the man’s

house and beat him, sometimes maiming him for life. This was confirmed by several of

the female stakeholders who said they have witnessed such a thing but never participated.

Each of the stakeholders also admitted that sexual molestation does occur in the bush, but

it is never reported and life goes on. Towns with police can be quite far from areas in the

bush, and the police rarely travel out into the rural areas. As mentioned in the literature

review, there are laws in Kenya against early marriage, FGM, incest, rape, etc., but they

are not upheld in remote areas. The chief says that he, along with the churches and

122

schools, are trying from different angles to teach the people that these things are wrong.

The churches teach that these things violate the laws of God. Schools teach about

respect, as well as educate students about the diseases that can be transmitted. The chief

is trying to lead by example. He will not circumcise his daughters and is allowing them

an education and will allow them to choose their own husbands. He also brings educated

women into the villages so that the children can see positive female role models.

Another area of marriage that was discussed with stakeholders is that of how the

girls receiving more education will affect them in finding husbands. Some believed that

the girls will not marry true Maasai men because the girls would have gotten beyond the

age that the Maasai men prefer. Others think that as the culture changes as a whole, both

girls and boys will receive more education and will graduate together and be ready for

marriage at the same time. Some feel that highly educated women will be seen as having

more value and will, therefore, marry men of higher social and economic classes. The

chief does see one man and one wife for the future of the Maasai, but he believes it is a

gradual process and will take time. He believes that the reason so many men still have

multiple wives is because of Nomadism. Men are gone for up to a month at a time with

their cattle, so they have a wife in each of the locations where they travel to find grass. A

man who cannot afford more than one wife will most often travel with the entire family

to find grazing for the cattle. The chief believes that over 50% of Maasai are still nomads

today.

I also discussed the issue of FGM with the stakeholders. It is something freely

discussed among men and women because it is prevalent and accepted. Since most of the

stakeholders have known girls who have died, contracted a disease, or been maimed from

123

the practice, they do believe that it should be abandoned. Because it is the first

qualification for marriage, some younger girls who will eventually be allowed to stay in

school have already undergone the ritual. Most of the older generation of Maasai men is

uneducated and, therefore, have either not been taught about the negative outcomes from

the procedure or hold to the belief that the benefits outweigh the potential threats. Their

belief is simply that if a girl is uncircumcised she will not be able to have children; she

will not be sweet and will not be faithful. Some of the older women said that when they

were girls, they wanted to be circumcised because it was one of the few major milestones

in the life of a girl and symbolized that she had become a woman. They understand now

that there are so many risks involved with it, including contracting HIV/AIDS and

uncontrollable bleeding that could lead to death. The risk of infection is also high. Girls

and women sometimes have chronic bladder and vaginal infections after the procedure.

This has been discovered to be true for some of the girls at the rescue center. Tim and

Mary Hooper have transported many girls to clinics for treatment of urinary infections.

While the focus of this study is the life world of the Maasai girl-child, it is

interesting to note a few of the cultural issues affecting their male counterparts. After the

girls take the KCPE at the end of Grade 8, they are most often removed from school and

married off. After the boys take the KCPE, they traditionally are circumcised and go

through the moran initiation process. This is the reason that there are fewer Maasai boys

in secondary schools than any other tribe. Historically the morans were the boys in

transition to manhood. The stage begins when the boys are 14-16 years of age. This is

the first time that they are put together into an age set. This stage usually lasts about five

years, and during this time the group of boys will stay out of school and go into the bush

124

to live together away from their families. Years ago morans would have to kill a lion or

another moran in order to prove their manhood. Isaac Kimeli believes that morans still

kill each other today to prove manhood, but it only happens far out in the bush and is

never reported. He also believes that about 80% of Maasai boys still go through the

moran stage. Alcohol is a major issue during this period. The morans steal a cow, take it

to a nearby town and sell it to purchase beer. In the bush they live on beer and the meat

of other stolen cows. After the five years are over, the morans may go back to their

families and marry or go back to school. Every 15-20 years there is a monumental

celebration, which is one of the final initiations into manhood and signifies the end of the

moran era for all of those who have been through the process. More and more young men

are allowed to participate in the ceremony, even if they have not been through the true

moran stage since it is so much a part of the Maasai culture. Most of the stakeholders

interviewed believe that the ceremony itself is fine as it is not tied to witchcraft; it simply

represents something from the past in the culture that the Maasai hold on to.

I happened to be in Kenya on my final trip when one of the moran 15 year

celebrations took place. My husband and I were invited to witness this ceremony with a

handful of other Westerners. The drive to get to the area took quite a while through the

bush where there are no roads and had to be guided by several young men who rode

along in the back of the truck. The area, they said, is known for leopards and venomous

snakes. Well over 1,000 people were there when we arrived. Maasai of all ages, in the

traditional shukas and ornamental clothing, made up 95% of the crowd. Most of them

had been there for several days preparing for the ceremony. A traditional sacred cow had

just been cooked over an open pit fire. The Westerners were brought plastic chairs to sit

125

in and were offered warm bottled drinks. An elderly Maasai man brought a chunk of the

sacred cow on a stick for the Westerners and cut off pieces for each of them to sample.

Since it would have been an insult not to partake, each of the Westerners, myself

included, ate what was offered. Most of it was not fully cooked, and some of it just

barely warm. The rest of the Maasai were eating from a huge buffet of all kinds of meats

and traditional foods that had, no doubt, been cooked by all of the women over the last

few days.

Once the meal was over, the dancing began. All of the Morans to be initiated

gathered in groups and performed their traditional jumping dances in circles. The wives

and mothers also performed their traditional dances. One of the Maasai girls said that the

women mimic giraffes when they dance because they are graceful and have long necks.

This part of the ceremony continued for a couple of hours. Other foreigners, dressed in

safari gear, were taking pictures with large, expensive cameras. Some were members of

NGO’s, and others were magazine reporters. After a time dancing, all of the morans

went into the field adjacent to the property where the celebration was being held. Once

they had lined up, they began to slowly file their way into a corral where the sacred cow

had been cooked. Inside the corral were the elders who would pronounce blessings over

them, as well as wives and mothers who would feed them pieces of the cow. Originally,

our small band of Westerners was told that we would not be allowed inside the corral

because it was for pure Maasai only. At the last minute, we were ushered inside and

given a spot on the ground where we could clearly see the ceremony. The morans stood

and then knelt around most of the edge of the corral. Blessings were spoken by many

different men. While the women did not speak, they were the ones to feed their sons or

126

husbands the sacred cow. This part of the ceremony lasted a couple of hours and was

followed by another brief period of dancing. After the official end of the ceremony, the

Maasai stood around talking. As typical of the Maasai, no one seemed to be in a hurry to

go anywhere. When I left with the group, the landscape was still thick with red shukas

and smiling faces.

Religion. During my first trip to Kenya, I observed two different Maasai bush

church services. Since no one in those churches spoke English, everything spoken had to

be translated either to English or Kiswahili. It was uncomfortable at first being the

minority in a church so far in the bush with worshippers who expressed their faith in such

different ways than I was accustomed to. The congregations in these churches, made up

of mostly women were very poor; the houses they had come from were made of cow

dung and sticks. The pastors said that the people walk many kilometers every Sunday

faithfully. A typical Sunday morning church service lasts several hours, since the people

arrive at different times all morning. There are no Sunday school or nursery services for

the children so everyone is in the one-room building together. CCM missionaries

translated the salvation message which is the normal Sunday morning sermon. The time

of praise and worship lasted about an hour with all songs being sung in Maa or Kiswahili.

During the time of offering an elder stood at the front of the church with a cloth sack, and

the congregation filed to the front of the church to place their offering in the sack. Many

different people spoke during the course of the services, some shared verses, made

announcements, or just spoke words of encouragement.

On the following two trips to the area, I worshipped in churches closer to the

rescue center. I was able to attend two times with the girls from the center. On one

127

occasion the girls were late to arrive and were chastised from the pulpit by one of the

elders. Another time the Hooper’s and I had to leave a service before the sermon started

in order to get to another appointment even though we had been there for several hours

already. The final sermon was actually preached in English and translated into Kiswahili.

The speaker that day was an educated Maasai man from a neighboring town who was a

guest speaker at the church. I was able to visit with him after the service. He said that

while most normal sermons cover salvation or a simple truth from scripture, he likes to

preach from scripture about some of the things in the Maasai culture that need to change.

He hopes to see internal transformation in his people rather than just an external change.

His topic that day was monogamy, and his family was in attendance with him. He told

the people that he loves and respects his wife and that he will remain the husband of one

wife. He also said that he has two daughters and that he will not circumcise them and he

will guide them to choose godly husbands. According to the interviews and research this

would have been different teaching than what the congregation is accustomed to, but the

admonitions seemed well received.

I was able to have several in-depth discussions with Isaac Kimeli. Isaac is a man

of deep faith and has wisdom and compassion beyond his years. He emphasized over and

over that the culture of the Maasai will not change until they align themselves exclusively

with the Lord. He firmly believes that until the Maasai practice scriptural authority over

the powers of darkness the culture will not change. He has confidence that many of the

people he works with and tries to help are Christians but their besetting sin is that of

believing that witchcraft must be at work anytime something negative happens. He says

this is because of a failure in African churches to systematically teach scriptural truths

128

regarding the power and presence of God. He does believe that things are gradually

changing as educated pastors and missionaries are permeating the area. Several of the

teachers interviewed agreed with Isaac’s comments and added that Christianity is a

choice of the heart, whereas the belief in witchcraft is a choice because of culture and

tradition. It is interesting to note that several of those interviewed who do not go to

church and do not profess to be Christians stated that Christianity appears to be helping to

bring about positive changes in the Maasai culture.

Isaac believes that God was preparing him for his current position with the rescue

center and girl-child issues for many years. He showed me a 2003 newspaper article

where he was vocal about the negative impact of some cultures on females. He says that

God placed this passion in his heart. He is thankful that he plays such an active role in

rescuing girls, leading them to Christ or helping to grow their faith in Christ, and having a

positive impact on some of their families.

Another educated man who was interviewed is a Maasai retired military colonel

in his 60s. He said that some people refer to him as ‘Bishop’. Bishop believes that both

education and Christianity are changing things but that Christianity is the key and

education is secondary. He agrees with Isaac in that things are gradually changing, and

as the older generations of Maasai, many of whom are not turning to Christianity, pass

away so will many of the oppressive cultural issues. Bishop was raised by an educated

father who was a teacher, preacher, and missionary in Tanzania. When his father died he

returned to Kenya and joined the military after graduating from form four. After his

military career, which included two separate training stints in the U.S., he joined an

organization called the Soul Winners Ministry. Through this interdenominational

129

organization he was able to mentor young Kenyan men and women. He was proud to

report that all of those he mentored are still doing well today. He is thankful that his

daughter chose a Christian man to be her husband and that they will raise his

grandchildren in the ways of the Lord.

CCM facilitates different types of meetings and seminars for the girls where

speakers talk about various topics ranging from abuse to public speaking. I was able to

sit in on one such occasion with a speaker who was using scripture to help the girls’

process different forms of abuse. The speaker took the girls step-by-step through

scripture showing them that true healing and forgiveness can only be found in God’s

word. It was a powerful time as the girls attempted to process the information by asking

questions related to their specific stories.

Most of the rescued girls profess to be Christians and to have attended church for

several years prior to coming to the rescue center. Pastors on the oversight committee or

who work with CCM in the district have had the opportunity to bring girls to the CCM

offices. Girls such as Ivy, Zinnia, Camellia, and Iris were all rescued by their pastors.

Calla was raised by a Christian woman after the death of her parents, and she says she

loves the Lord and loves to share her testimony with other students at her school.

Although Amantha grew up in a slum, she was able to attend church where she says she

dedicated her life to the Lord and prayed for a way out of the slum. She feels that God

heard her prayers in bringing her to the rescue center. Parish priests confirmed Ilima and

Rose’s dire need and assisted them in getting in contact with CCM. Dahlia says that her

father became a Christian through CCM’s outreach mission in her area and treated her

much better afterwards. As she grew older, the pressure from the culture as well as

130

poverty became too great, and he still made the decision to sell her. The sisters were able

to say “No” to their father’s advances because of what their pastor taught them at church.

Several other girls such as Calla, Flora, and Nydia say that Christian teachers took them

in or helped them escape marriage by notifying the local administration. It is obvious on

Sundays which girls who have attended church in the past as they are ones joining the

choir and are uninhibited in worship. The Maasai people love to sing, and one often

hears singing in different areas of the center. It is especially encouraging to hear the girls

singing songs of rescue and deliverance.

Hope. In traveling about the district interviewing many people from diverse

walks of life, I wondered what they thought of the new center that was built specifically

to rescue Maasai girls out of forced marriage and FGM. I posed the question to

numerous people, both Maasai and non-Maasai. Every responder was positive about the

center. People thanked CCM and the Hoopers profusely for their efforts in rescuing girls.

Other responses included that it was a place of rescue, not just for one community, but for

the entire district and beyond. Some expressed how good it is for the girls who have been

oppressed to have a place where they can live a good life and be protected. Still others

mentioned that it is a blessing and a place of hope where the girls can begin to dream

about their futures.

I also wondered if the older people had concerns about removing the girls from

their natural environment and culture. When pressed about this, a few expressed concern

over the girls possibly losing the pure Maasai way of dressing and carrying oneself with

dignity. Others mentioned that they hoped the girls would not lose the oral tradition of

storytelling or respect for elders and care for each other. All thought the benefits of

131

living at the center far outweighed the possible loss of traditions, as some of the girls

would not have survived long in the situations from which they were rescued.

Since the center is called a place of hope, when I conducted the focus groups with

the girls, (one for the primary girls and one for the secondary girls), I asked a few simple

questions that were tied to the word hope. When I asked the girls what they hope for

now, they spoke of hoping that their grades would improve now that there aren’t other

distractions. Others hope to be able to have a good job and choose their own husband

someday. Still others said that they hope to raise their own children in peace and safety.

Most hope for a college education so that they can become doctors, lawyers, journalists,

teachers, accountants, and even pilots. Others mentioned the hope that they can help to

change the lives of their sisters and other girls in the same situation.

Because the girls all seemed to express wanting to help other girls in their families

and communities, I also asked a few stakeholders how the girls would be received back

into their families and communities after living at the center and receiving an education.

Most thought that if the girls stay in school and receive a good education, as well as learn

a trade or job skill which would help them to become employed, they would be

welcomed back with open arms. A few thought that the older Maasai might be

suspicious of them since they would certainly dress and speak differently. One woman

said that she was fearful that part of the reason the girls would be welcomed back is

because if they are employed they would be seen as having money.

Isaac said that he has seen educated women go back into their communities and

have a voice to bring about positive change for others. Many stakeholders thought that if

the girls were able to become professionals in their occupations and then went back into

132

their communities to work, real, cultural change would take place. They said that

currently girls are not given a chance to develop into productive citizens in their

communities. Chief Saitoti said that he is especially thankful for the center because

previously when girls ran to him for protection, he would take them to a boarding school

with which he wasn’t especially impressed. He says that the MTH Center of Hope is a

wonderful option, and it is saving the LIVES [speaker’s emphasis] of the girls who are

placed there.

Since the unemployment rate among the Maasai is around 80% the oversight

committee knows that they must go a step beyond simply educating the girls if the hope

for their future is to be sustained. That is why they have explored several microbusiness

opportunities for the girls and are in the process of developing some of them. The girls

use their beading skills to create pieces of jewelry and other art for the American teams to

bring back to the U.S. to sell for them. This isn’t seen as a lucrative option in Kenya,

though, as the beading market among the Maasai is saturated. Raising goats for meat,

cheese, and milk appears to be an excellent way not only to provide nutrients for the girls,

but also to sell and begin to move the center toward becoming self-sufficient. The

Hoopers have become friends with a British couple who have a small goat operation, and

this couple has provided invaluable insight on the plans for and the handling of the

business. Already pens and sheds have been built and goats purchased.

Another microbusiness that should begin over the next year is called Zebra Pads.

One problem countrywide is that girls stay at home from school when they have their

cycles. Most simply cannot afford sanitary pads. While many organizations provide

them to schools, oftentimes the supply cannot keep up with the demand. If girls take the

133

pads home from school, their sisters and mothers use them as well. The idea of reusable

cloth pads is not new, but a young woman from the U.S. named Rachel has developed a

kit that she calls Zebra Kits. She uses the name zebra because of the location of the

rescue center. She has even used zebra striped fabric on many of them. The kits include

5 washable, leak-proof pads, a container for soaking and washing, as well as a kit that

contains all of the supplies. She and her mother hope to have a small shop built on the

property of the center and are willing to purchase several sewing machines so that the

girls, along with volunteers, can make the kits to sell in local markets and schools.

Rachel has done market, cost, and sales analyses of the area and believes that this could

prove to be a considerable business opportunity for the girls and the center.

I spent two weeks observing and interacting with the girls during my final trip to

Kenya. At this point the primary girls had been residents at the center for seven months,

and the secondary girls had been back for month-long breaks twice as well as other

shorter breaks. All of their belongings were now at the center, and the girls appeared to

be settling in to a routine. In referring back to Maslow (1968), the basic or physiological

needs of the girls were met immediately upon arriving at the center.

Tim and Mary, along with CCM and all of the stakeholders for the center do not

want to simply create a Western center run by Westerners where girls can come

temporarily for a handout. They want to see the girls take ownership of their lives, the

center, and their futures. They want to develop the center as a place where Kenyans take

care of Kenyans and work together to break the chains of cultural oppression. As Paulo

Freire (2009) said,

The oppressors, who oppress, exploit, and rape by virtue of their power, cannot

134

find in this power the strength to liberate either the oppressed or themselves.

Only power that springs from the weakness of the oppressed will be sufficiently

strong to free both. (p.44)

135

CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION

Summary of the Findings

This research study sought to understand how the life dreams of the girls at the

MTH Center of Hope are being altered as a result in a change of cultural experience. As

previously stated in Chapter Three, the term ‘Life Dreams’, to this particular group of

girls, includes having choices in their future with regard to marriage, education, food,

medical care, protection, and freedom of worship. The denigrating treatment of women

and girls in patriarchal societies and tribes such as the Maasai is oppressive, causes

alienation, and often leads to brutality. Most of the girls in this study, had they remained

in their villages, would have been married by at least Grade 8, would have been forced to

undergo circumcision, and would not have been able to attend secondary school. If their

husbands or family members had practiced witchcraft, they would have been forced to do

the same. They would have lived in poverty and been forced to meet the sexual demands

of not only their husbands, but also any man in his age-set.

After coming to the MTH Center of Hope, these girls began to process how

different life could be for them; they began to dream and hope of a future far different

from their mothers and grandmothers. Out of their interviews and the interviews of

stakeholders as well as focus groups, observations, and the relevant literature, emerged

five recurrent themes affecting those life dreams: A) poverty, B) education, C) culture, D)

religion, and E) hope. While the girls have only just begun this new journey, and the

findings are in a continuous moving stream, they do already have a glimpse of this unique

136

life trajectory. They are excited and thankful for the opportunities of education, the

possibility of choosing their own husband, the freedom to worship, learning skills for

gainful employment, and the ability to choose which parts of their culture to embrace or

reject.

Discussion and Implications

Poverty. The term poverty is complex. It had many faces and manifestations in

the lives of the rescued girls. For some, poverty mirrored Maslow’s (1970) first tier of

his hierarchy, simply the inaccessibility to adequate food, water, shelter and sleep. Aven

watched as her 11-year-old sister was married to a 43-year-old man and subsequently left

alone to starve like many of her other married friends. Camellia’s chief confirmed that

the poverty in her area, and specifically for her family, was so severe that their hope for

selling her into early marriage was that they would have a brief reprieve from their

destitution. Kaeya said that she and her mother could not raise even one cent for school

fees or clothing and that when she arrived at the school building her clothing was in such

tatters that she had to hide until school personnel could find suitable clothing for her.

Some of the girls had become modern day slaves just to obtain food; two of them actually

prostituted themselves in order to have money to purchase food. Some also begged from

neighbors. One slept on the kitchen floor in her teacher’s house – her only option for

shelter for some time. Many lived only on the noon day meals provided through relief

organizations to their schools. Trying to perform well academically while sleep and

nutritionally deprived has been a tremendous challenge for many of the girls.

Poverty also includes inaccessibility to education, medical care, and employment.

Samuel Kunhiyop (2008) commends NGO’s who have “provided sustainable water

137

supplies, encouraged sustainable agricultural practices, improved community health care

and sanitation, and focused on the economic empowerment of women and young people”

(p.161). The girls brought to the MTH Center of Hope are now assured of three meals

each day, a warm and safe shelter, and access to medical care whenever needed. They

smile as they show visitors their dorm rooms with beautiful beds and curtains. Delphine

and Jasmine, as well as other girls, dream of being able to have a home where there are

beautiful blankets on the beds, as well as curtains that they have made at the windows.

While these elements are life changing, in order for the girls to continue into adulthood

having their needs met as referred to in Maslow’s hierarchy of needs, they must also have

skills for gainful employment when they leave the center. Chief Saitoti as well as Isaac

Kimeli believes that the unemployment rate among the Maasai in their district is now

approaching 80%. The droughts in the arid and semi-arid regions of Southern Kenya

over the last three to five years have caused a devastating loss of livestock as well as a

needless loss of human life.

While some of the rescued girls have tried different types of employment that

included working in the homes of people from other cultures, this most often led to

exposure to further forms of abuse. It is crucial that the MTH Center of Hope provide

microbusiness opportunities for the girls and equip them with job skills which will

translate into sustainable income in their futures. The newly established goat operation

will provide milk and cheese for the girls as well as enough to sell. The sewing

opportunities appear to be other avenues for income that will help the center to become

self-sustaining. Tim and Mary Hooper have brought in successful business women and

men to research the area in hopes of finding microbusiness ventures that will work in this

138

region. It is hoped that as the girls participate in these opportunities, they will never have

to go back to a life of poverty and that they can help other girls to avoid the

manifestations of abject poverty that many of them experienced.

Culture. The Maasai Tribe is a proud, patriarchal one. The tribe has survived

hundreds of years of changes all around it without succumbing to the pressure to change

itself. The governments of both Kenya and Tanzania, where the Maasai Tribe is now

located, have enacted laws that are for the benefit of all humanity. Many in the tribe

continue to ignore those laws, forcing the girls to undergo cultural practices that are now

outlawed. Female Genital Mutilation was outlawed by Kenyan President Moi in 1982,

but the families of the majority of girls in this study ignored the law and circumcised the

girls anyway. Since the girls were adolescents or teenagers when this occurred, it was a

traumatic experience engrained on their minds and emotions. According to the 2007

Kenya Marriage Bill “No person shall marry while under the age of eighteen years”

(p.10). Another statement in the same bill, which is ignored in the bush is, “No marriage

shall be contracted except of the free will of each of the parties” (p.11). Because

government officials and police don’t travel into the more remote areas where the Maasai

most often reside, there is no one to enforce these decrees except the chiefs. Chief

Saitoti, whose home is visible from the center, is an honest man who believes in the

rights and respect for all humanity. He enforces the laws and is prepared to prosecute

anyone who would attempt to come to the rescue center to kidnap one of the girls. One of

the most powerful ideas conveyed to the rescued girls by the chief is that he is training

his own daughters in what to look for in a future husband. He provides guidance but will

139

not choose their husbands for them. This has given the rescued girls such hope for their

future as they dream about marrying someone for love.

Chief Saitoti as well as the oversight committee has also promised the girls

protection, which is in line with Maslow’s second tier safety needs: freedom from fear,

security, protection, law, order, limits, etc. Most of the girls come from temporary

houses made from cow dung and sticks. The permanence of the dorms and other

buildings at the site provide the security of knowing where their home will be for years to

come. The rescue center has definite boundaries with guards on duty day and night.

Knowing that part of protection is also establishing guidelines for the girls themselves,

the oversight committee has placed a matron at the center who gives the girls duties to

perform each day. The girls must follow rules, perform to the best of their ability in

school, and treat each other with respect in order to remain a resident.

In speaking with educated Maasai men and women, especially those men who

have only one wife and do not circumcise their daughters, it appears that change to the

culture will most likely come in several ways. Men educating other men on the

superstitions and dangers surrounding FGM and early marriage are slowly helping,

although changing the older generation is a difficult task in any society. More than likely

what will help the most is the training the children receive as they stay in school longer

and gain an understanding of laws and rights. All but one of the girls at the center have

been spared early marriage, but it is too late for many of them in regards to FGM. The

majority of the girls, however, spoke of wanting to spare their sisters or other younger

girls from having to endure that practice. They are determined to stay in school, learn

how to earn a decent income, and understand their rights so that they can return to their

140

communities and help to facilitate positive, legal changes within the culture. All of this

will transpire as they continue to receive counseling for past traumas and gain an

awareness of themselves, stirred by hope for the future that Freire (2009) talked about.

Religion. Kunhiyop (2008) said that, “despite its high Christian population,

Kenya is one of the most corrupt countries in Africa” (p.169). Some of the stakeholders

interviewed said that the moral fiber of society in Kenya has been destroyed because of

the corruption that begins at the highest levels. They are convinced that the conscience of

the people has been deadened, and, as demonstrated in the slums and other areas, respect

for life and property is, at times, nonexistent. Witchcraft, rampant evil, and oppression,

they believe, are results of the lack of morality in the choices of people searching to fill a

void in their lives that only Christ can fill.

Maslow’s views, when taken to the extreme, could encourage people to become

little gods by somehow ‘becoming one with the universe’ or by being ‘true to themselves’

or ‘masters of their fate’. This is obviously not what is meant by the oversight committee

for the center since their belief is that God has created humanity with a void only He can

fill. The highest goal is not self-fulfillment but a relationship with Jesus Christ. They

believe and stress to the girls that He created each person uniquely with a specific plan

and purpose for their lives. CCM and the oversight committee for the center believe that

God has given all of His people a direct command: “Be holy because I, the Lord your

God, am holy” (Leviticus 19:2, NIV). They maintain that the only way that the Maasai

girls or anyone else can make a positive, lasting change in their culture is by pursuing an

intimate relationship with Jesus Christ and living a life aligned with scripture.

141

While it first appeared that education was the key that caused the girls at the

center the most hope and joy, I came to the realization during my last trip to the center

that the girls’ faith and the expression thereof was what sustained them. Isaac Kimeli

verified this. Most of the girls have thoroughly enjoyed being able to stay in school and

obtain something no other women in their families had as an opportunity, but freedom

and passion have been witnessed elsewhere. The more the girls were given opportunities

to attend church, participate in praise and worship at the center as well as personal and

corporate Bible study, the more the girls expressed thankfulness to God for being the One

who truly rescued them. Calla expressed the realization that she would not be able to

have food and other provisions as well as an education unless God had provided it.

Those who had been allowed to attend church before coming to the center talked of not

being able to put into practice many aspects of Christianity in their daily lives because of

family members’ beliefs in witchcraft. Asphodel and Iris visibly shuddered as they spoke

of traumatic memories tied to witchcraft. They repeatedly expressed thankfulness at

being able to freely live the Christian life that has now been afforded them. They dream

of being able to have families who love the Lord, attend church together, and even study

God’s Word in their homes. CCM, the committee, and all of those involved with the

MTH Center of Hope trust that each girl who comes through the gate will know that they

have potential to become culture-changers, that they can grow personally, and that the

same God who created them also loves them unconditionally and seeks an intimate

relationship with them. In this way, their faith in Christ is the fulfillment of the hierarchy

of needs.

142

Education. It is well documented that the more education a person has, the better

his or her health, hygiene and overall quality of life (see Duflo, Dupas & Kremer, 2010,

Lesorogol, 2008, & Chirwa, 2008). They also have additional employment opportunities,

and their children will tend to be better educated. In a qualitative research project

conducted by Ernestina Coast (2006) and focusing primarily on the Maasai man, findings

included that more educated men tend to send all

of their children to school, not just one

or two. Coast also found that educated men had a lower propensity to engage in

polygamy. Along with education came the ability to be less influenced by tradition and

culture, including pastoralism. Chief Saitoti says that it is because of the fear of losing

their own tribal customs and traditions that many Maasai do not want their children to

receive what they believe to be a Western education that has nothing to do with their

heritage.

Maslow’s fourth tier in his hierarchy is called “esteem need.s” While there is

nothing wrong with understanding and expressing potential academically, athletically,

artistically, or through any other gift, CCM’s desire is that the girls acknowledge the

Creator and seek to understand His calling on and plan for their lives. Education has and

will continue to open doors of opportunity for the rescued girls but in and of itself cannot

change the culture.

The oversight committee says that many of the girls were simply so poor that they

could not afford a uniform or the fees to attend school. Some could afford the fees one

year but then not again for two or three years. Some moved at random times during their

elementary years, so even if they were in school at each of the new places of residence,

their education was fragmented. The girls are keenly aware that if they are to obtain a

143

quality education they must assume responsibility for studying outside of the classroom

more diligently than peers who have been in school synchronously would have to. They

are quick to tutor each other and are thrilled to use the new library at the center.

The girls have sponsors from the U.S. who are committed to seeing that they

achieve at least a secondary degree. Most of the girls verbalized wanting to go on to

tertiary schools to become doctors, lawyers, pilots, and teachers. These dreams and goals

were never before considered to be attainable. The on-going study will continue to

follow the girls into the future to see what opportunities will be afforded them. As some

of the stakeholders stated, it is exciting to think about what the future would be like if

there were a generation of educated Maasai women.

Hope. When asked what they now hope for, the girls at the MTH Center of Hope

are endless smiles as they share dreams that they have begun to dream, not only for their

own future, but for the future of their families and the next generation as well. Their

hope is multi-faceted, and they are united in it. This theme parallels Maslow’s third tier

of belongingness and love. Together they are striving for the same goals and cheering

each other to success. They have the hope that they will succeed because of the love and

care of many people. The girls now experience freedom from poverty, freedom of

religion, and perceived endless opportunities with regard to education. They even dream

of having a voice in who their husband will be and marrying him for love as well as being

treated with respect. As witnessed each month when I receives pictures of the girls, their

bodies are healthier and their faces more relaxed and joyful.

While they dream they are simultaneously working to overcome the emotional

and physical abuse suffered in the past. The inner turmoil of angry emotions still holds

144

some in bondage. Isaac Kimeli has been proactive in seeking Christ-centered counseling

for all of the girls. Even the ones who can now display joy and hope for the future still

have deep-seated wounds that they do not yet have the emotional maturity to process on

their own. Matthew 6:14 has become very dear to them: “For if you forgive others when

they sin against you, your heavenly Father will also forgive you” (NIV). Another

beloved verse is Matthew 5:7: “Blessed are the merciful, for they will be shown mercy”.

These girls, even in their youth, have demonstrated a level of forgiveness, redemption,

and mercy I’ve never witnessed before. Those from the U.S. who have the opportunity to

go to Kenya and work with the girls at the MTH Center of Hope agree with Vincent

Donovan (1970) in one of his earlier works who may have said it best:

This is what I, and others like me, are trying to do out there. Not to bring

salvation and goodness and holiness and grace and God, which were there before

we got there. But to bring these people the only thing they did not have before

we came--hope--a hope imbedded in the meaning of the life and death and

resurrection of Christ. It is a cleansing and humbling thought to see your whole

life and work reduced to being simply a channel of hope, and yourself merely a

herald of hope, for those who do not have it. (p.143)

Education for the rescued girls will quite obviously be a launching pad for dreams

and opportunities. Since Isaac Kimeli was raised in the district where the rescue center is

located, he has a keen awareness of the quality of each school. He has been able to place

the girls in schools where he knows that not only the quality of education is good but that

the girls will be well cared for. He also frequents each school that hosts girls from the

center so that he is apprised of each girl’s academic performance, conduct, and overall

145

health and well-being. While a few of the girls have shown improvements in grades

since coming to live at the center, it is expected that many more will be able to

demonstrate grade improvements over the months to come.

Business opportunities go hand-in-hand with education. In the study by E. Brown

(2008), she said that, “Microbusiness ventures help marginalized women and girls in

Africa turn their artisan talents into a livable wage to support themselves, their families,

and their communities”. Chirwa (2008) said that “profitability is statistically

significantly higher for entrepreneurs with higher education (7.9 per cent above those

without education)” (p.354). According to the adult stakeholders interviewed, if the girls

stay in school at least through form four and find paid employment opportunities, they

will have a voice in their communities and transformation is possible within the culture.

Daniel Sifuna (2006) who works in the Department of Educational Foundations at

Kenyatta University in Nairobi said,

At the individual level, education is perceived to be the ultimate liberator, which

empowers a person to make personal and social choices, while at the national

level, educated citizens are believed to be the foundation of well functioning

democratic institutions and achieving social cohesion. (p.102)

If Mr. Sifuna’s prediction is correct, the Maasai girls have the potential of not

only becoming culture changers just within their tribe, but the effects could be felt

throughout the nation. Carolyn Lesorogol (2008) reminded us that “in a society in which

formal education for girls is only a few decades old and remains relatively limited, its

effects on gender relations and social opportunities are just beginning to be felt” (p.552).

146

As this research continues it will be interesting to see what doors of opportunity

education helps to open for these rescued girls.

Limitations and Recommendations

Limitations. Since the purpose of the study was to understand how the life

dreams of the girls at the MTH Center of Hope are being altered as a result in a change of

cultural experience, multiple sources of data would yield this richness. A possible

limitation may be the lack of accessibility to the bush and slum homes of some of the

girls which would have produced rich field notes. Another limitation was the lack of

accessibility to each of the boarding schools where I had wanted to observe the girls in

their classrooms with both male and female teachers. Yet another limitation concerned

the collectivist culture in which these girls are from and the effect that could have had on

individual interviews which may have caused some anxiety or confusion. Additionally,

since the data was obtained on rescued girls who specifically were to be married at a

young age or undergo FGM, the same conclusions from the data may not apply to girls

from other tribes who are rescued for other reasons.

Delimitations. The delimitations with regard to this particular study include the

decision made to select only girls and only from a few tribes, as well as at only one

particular girls’ center. Additionally, the focus was narrowed to understanding how the

life dreams were being altered. Another defining boundary of the study was that it took

place in one district of Kenya.

Recommendations for future research. This is an ongoing study for me.

Through the accounts of the girls in the study one can learn many things. Further

research that explores who talks to the girls combined with what they say and

147

culminating in what the girls actually hear is recommended. It is vitally important to the

oversight committee to monitor these girls who have come out of such dire circumstances

to be certain that they are hearing and understanding truth from a Biblical perspective

regarding their lifeworld. Another noteworthy study would be to explore how the girls

feel about themselves, from the first day they enter the rescue center until they graduate

from secondary school and move on to other opportunities.

Understanding the nature of communication between the families of the girls and

the staff of the rescue center could prove interesting. I plan to continue following the

girls until they graduate from secondary school to see how the choices that are afforded

them at that point compare with their counterparts who were not rescued. I would also

like to find out how many Maasai students are enrolled in colleges in Kenya and what the

male/female ratio is. Finally, additional studies into the impact of the rescued girls on the

lives of their siblings would be valuable.

Conclusion

The truth about the experiences of Maasai girls and the circumstances from which

they were rescued became painfully clear through this phenomenological study. While I

stepped into their lifeworld for brief periods of time and attempted to develop

relationships with them, the truth remains that I could never experience the pain and

suffering to the degree in which the girls have lived it. Will things change for the Maasai

girl-child? There is always hope, as examined in this study, for a better tomorrow. The

admonition, as understood from CCM and the oversight committee is that this will only

take place as the Maasai, young and old alike, develop personal relationships with Christ

and allow Him to transform their culture for the good of all. It will cost them something -

148

death to long-held traditions that have only held appeal for a few. Radical decisions on

the part of Maasai men now could mean abundant life for so many in the years to come.

A few months before his death, Dietrich Bonhoeffer (1959) said:

It all depends on whether or not the fragment of our life reveals the plan and

material of the whole. There are fragments which are only good to be thrown

away, and others which are important for centuries to come because their

fulfillment can only be a divine work. They are fragments of necessity. If our

life, however remotely, reflects such a fragment…we shall not have to bewail our

fragmentary life, but, on the contrary, rejoice in it. (p.33)

CCM believes that as the Maasai allow a divine work to take place in their lives,

important decisions will be made that would affect the lives of everyone, especially the

female members of the tribe, for centuries to come.

Along with cultural and spiritual changes, these girls must be afforded a decent

education at least through secondary school. Most grew up never envisioning that

education and choices for their futures would be afforded them. This constitutes one of

the most dramatic alterations in life dreams that has been studied. In order to make this

happen, the girls will take advantage of microbusiness opportunities and develop skills

that they can take with them when they leave the center, knowing that they can lead an

independent life which never again has to include poverty and hopelessness.

149

REFERENCES

A policy framework for education, training and research (Sessional Paper No.1 of 2005,

Republic of Kenya, Ministry of Education, Science and Technology).

Aikman, S. & Unterhalter, E. (2006). Beyond access. Great Britain: Oxfam.

Anderson, D. & Broche-Due, V. (2003). Pastoralists and poverty. The Journal of

African History, 44(1), 185-187. doi: 10.1017/S0021853703488488

Ary, D., Jacobs, L.C., Razavieh, A., & Sorensen, C. (2006). Introduction to research in

education. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Publishing Company.

Babbie, E. (1989). The practice of social research. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth

Publishing Company.

Bailey, C.A. (2007). A guide to qualitative field research. Thousand Oaks, CA: Pine

Forge Press.

Baloyi, E. M. (2010). A re-reading of John 8:1-11 from a pastoral liberative perspective

on South African women. HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies 66(2),

Art. #838. DOI: 10.4102/hts.v66i2.838

Bishop, E. (2007). Schooling and the encouragement of farming amongst pastoralists in

Tanzania. Nomadic Peoples, 11(2), 9-29. doi: 10.3167/np.2007.110202

Bogdan, R., & Biklen, S. (2007). Qualitative research for education: an introduction to

theory and methods (5

ed.). Boston: Pearson Education, Inc.

150

Bonhoeffer, D. (1959). The cost of discipleship. New York: Simon & Schuster.

Bonini, N. (2006). The pencil and the shepherd’s crook. Ethnography of Maasai

education. Ethnography & Education, 1(3), 379-392.

Bowen, J.P. (2009). “What happened next? Vincent Donovan, thirty-five years on.

Bulletin of Missionary Research, 33(2), 1.

Branyon, J.B. (2005). Education for all: Gender equity in Kenya. Delta Kappa Gamma

Bulletin, 71(2), 8-11.

Brown, E.A. (2008). Do good, get rich: social warriors start businesses that improve the

lives of African women. Black Enterprise, 38(10), 72-75.

Browne, A.W. & Barrett, H.R. (1991). Female education in Sub-Saharan Africa: The

key to development? Comparative Education, 27(3). Retrieved from

http://www.eric.ed.gov/ERICWebPortal/custom/portlets/recordDetails/detailmini.

jsp?_nf

pb=true&_&ERICExtSearch_SearchValue_0=EJ440051&ERICExtSearch_Searc

hType_0=no&accno=EJ440051

Bulifant, J. (1950). 40 years in the African bush. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan.

Carr-Hill, R. & Peart, E. (2005). The education of nomadic people in East Africa:

Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda. (An IIEP study

commissioned by the African Development Bank). Retrieved from

http://www.fao.org/docs/eims/upload/

251376/EducationNomadicPeople.pdf

Casal. J. (2010, January 17). In-depth: Razor’s edge – The controversy of female genital

mutilation. IRIN. Retrieved from

151

http://www.irinnews.org/InDepthMain.aspx?InDepthId=15&ReportId=62470&C

ountry=Yes

Chilisa, B. (2002). National policies on pregnancy in education systems in Sub-Saharan

Africa: the case of Botswana. Gender and Education, 14(1), 21-35.

Chirwa, E.W. (2008). Effects of gender on the performance of micro and small

enterprises in Malawi. Development Southern Africa, 25(3), 347-362.

Christian Mission Aid. (n.d.). Retrieved from: http://www.cmaid.org/who-we-

are/?PHPSESSID=pk14b8oa5kidb4urs5avia8uc0

Coast, E. (2006). Maasai Marriage: A comparative study of Kenya and Tanzania.

Journal of Comparative Family Studies, 37(3) 399-420.

Coffman, J.E. (2007). Producing FGM in U.S. Courts: Political asylum in the post-

Kasinga Era. Africa Today, 53(4) 59-84.

Corbett, S. & Fikkert, B. (2009). When helping hurts: How to alleviate poverty without

hurting the poor…and yourself. Chicago, IL: Moody Publishers.

Creswell, J.W. (1994). Research design: Qualitative and quantitative approaches.

Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Davis, D. S. (2010). Policy statement – ritual genital cutting of female minors.

Pediatrics, 125(5), 1088-1093. doi: 10.1542/peds.2010-0187

Devereux, S. (2006). Taking health education to Nairobi. GP: General Practitioner,

63.

152

Dinesen, I. (1938). Out of Africa. New York, NY: Random House.

Donovan, V.J. (2003). Christianity rediscovered. New York, NY: Orbis Books.

Duflo, E., Dupas, P. & Kremer, M. (2010). Education and fertility: Experimental

evidence from Kenya. Manuscript preliminary and incomplete.

Elimu Yetu Coalition. (2003). The challenge of educating girls in Kenya. In S. Aikman

& E. Unterhalter (Eds.), Beyond access (p107). Great Britain: Oxfam.

Eloundou-Enyegue, P.M. & Calves, A.E. (2006). Till Marriage Do Us Part: Education

and Remittances from Married Women in Africa. Comparative Education

Review, 50(1), 1-20.

Evan, D., Kremer, M. & Ngatia, M. (2008). The impact of distributing school uniforms

on children’s education in Kenya. Retrieved from

http://siteresources.worldbank.org/

EXTIMPEVA/Resources/evans_kenya_uniforms.pdf

Falen, D.J. (2008). Polygyny and Christian marriage in Africa: The case of Benin.

African Studies Review, 51(2), 51-75.

Ferré, C. (2009). Age at first child: Does education delay fertility timing? The case of

Kenya. (Research Report No. WPS4833). Retrieved from http://www-

wds.worldbank.org/servlet/WDSContentServer/WDSP/IB/2009/02/10/000158349

_20090210091332/Rendered/PDF/WPS4833.pdf

Freire, P. (2009). Pedagogy of the oppressed. New York: Continuum International.

153

Forum of African Women Educationist FAWE. (2009). Advancing Girls Education in

Africa Statistics. Retrieved from

http://www.fawe.org/documents/15yearsachievements.pdf

Fratkin, E. (2001). East African pastoralism in transition: Maasai, Boran, and Rendille

Cases. African Studies Review, 44(3), 1-25.

Gachanga, T. (2005). Education for peace in Kenya: Indigenous peace traditions and the

Millennium Development Goals. Retrieved January 15, 2011 from

http://www.africafiles.org/atissueezine.asp?issue=issue1#art2

Gilbert, E. L. (2003). Broken spears: A Maasai journey. New York: Atlantic Monthly

Press.

Gilmour, S., Burrell, M. &Frederick, M.M. (2007). "Toutes les filles à l'école" (All the

Girls at School): A collaborative approach to creating and sustaining educational

opportunities for girls in the Republic of Benin, West Africa. On Campus With

Women, 36(1).

Glaser, B. & Strauss, A. (1967). The discovery of grounded theory: Strategies for

qualitative research. New York: Aldine De Gruyter.

Guerrina, R. & Zalewski, M. (2007). Negotiating difference/negotiating rights: the

challenges and opportunities of women’s human rights. Review of International

Studies, 33, 5-10.

Hillman, E. (1994). The pauperization of the Maasai in Kenya. Africa Today, 41(4), 57-

65.

154

Hodgson, D.L. (1999). “Once intrepid warriors”: Modernity and the production of

Maasai masculinities. Ethnology, 38(2), 121-150.

Hodgson, D.L. (2005). The church of women. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University

Press.

Hofmann, C. (2005). The white Masai. London: Arcadia Books.

Hofstede, G. (1980). Culture’s consequences: International differences in work-related

values. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage.

Homewood, K., Coast, E., Kiruswa, S., Serneels, S., Thompson, M. & Trench, P. (2006).

Maasai pastoralists: Diversification and poverty [online]. London: LSE

Research Online. Retrieved from

http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/821/1/Homewood_Coast_et_al_paper.pdf

Hoppers, C.A. (2001). Poverty Power and Partnerships in Educational Development: A

Post-Victimology Perspective. Compare, 31(1), 21-38.

Jenkins, O. B. (1992). Principles of communication for Christian witness. In J. N.

Corbett (Ed.), Orientation Express: Adventures in media and music (p. 14).

Nairobi, Kenya: Communication Press.

Kenya Information Guide. (n.d.). Retrieved from http://www.kenya-information-

guide.com/maasai-tribe.html

Kenya National Bureau of Statistics. (2009). Kenya Demographic and Health Survey

Preliminary Report. Retrieved from

http://www.measuredhs.com/pubs/pdf/SR178/SR178.pdf

155

Kenyatta, J. (1965). Facing Mt. Kenya. New York, NY: Vintage Books.

Kiluva-Ndunda, M.M. (2001). Women’s agency and educational policy: The

experiences of women of Kilome, Kenya. New York, NY: State University of

New York Press.

Kratli, S. (2000). The bias behind nomadic education. UNESCO Courier, 53(10), 15.

Kunhiyop, S.W. (2008). African Christian ethics. Nairobi: Hippo Books.

Lesorogol, C.K. (2008). Setting Themselves Apart: Education, Capabilities, and

Sexuality among Samburu Women in Kenya. Anthropological Quarterly, 81(3),

551-577.

Publishing House.

Ma, V. & Schoeneman, T.J. (1997). Individualism versus collectivism: A comparison of

Kenyan and American self-concepts. Basic and Applied Social Psychology,

19(2), 261-273.

Maasai Association. (2009). Retrieved from http://www.maasai-

association.org/opion.html

Maasai Community Partnership Project. (2010). Retrieved from

http://maasaicpp.org/current-

programs/maasai-education-research-and-

conservation-institute/

Maasai Evangelistic Association. (n.d.). Retrieved from

http://www.maasaimissions.org/index.php?id=20

156

Maasai Education Discovery. (2006). Retrieved from

http://www.maasaieducation.org/index.htm

Madhavan, S. & Thomas, K.J.A. (2005). Childbearing and schooling: New evidence

from South Africa. Comparative Education Review, 49(4), 452-467.

Martinez, D.E. & Waldron, L.M. (2006). My child will have two brains, one Maasai, one

educated: Negotiating traditional Maasai culture in a globalized world. Humanity

and Society, 30(4), 392-416.

Maslow, A.H. (1970). Motivation and personality. New York: Harper & Row.

Maslow, A.H. (1968). The psychology of being. New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold.

Mathooko, M. (2009). Actualizing free primary education in Kenya for sustainable

development. The Journal of Pan African Studies, 2(8), 151-159.

Messing-Mathie, A. (2008). Dimensions of disparity: Social, cultural, and economic

causes for the inequality between boys and girls in access to education in Sub-

Saharan Africa. Retrieved from

http://www.allacademic.com//meta/p_mla_apa_research_citation/

2/6/6/7/6/pages266763/p266763-1.php

Morgan, D.L. (1997). Focus groups as qualitative research. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

No swots, please, we’re Masai. (2002, March 23). The Economist, 362 (8265).

Omatseye, J. N. & Omatseye, B. O. (2008). Going to school in Sub-Saharan Africa.

Westport, CT: Greenwood Press.

157

Omolewa, M. (2007). Traditional African modes of education: Their relevance in the

modern world. International Review of Education, 53, 593-612. doi:

10.1007/s11159-007-9060-1

Onsomu, E. N., Mugnai, J.N., Oulai, D., Sankale, J. & Mujidi, J. (2004). Community

schools in Kenya: Case study on community participation in funding and

managing schools. (IIEP/UNESCO Report). Retrieved from

http://www.unesco.org/iiep/PDF/pubs/Kenya_B185.pdf

Owuor, J.A. (2007). Integrating African indigenous knowledge in Kenya’s formal

education system: The potential for sustainable development. Journal of

Contemporary Issues in Education, 2(2), 21-37.

Owusu-Banahene, N.O. (2000). The impact of custom and tradition in educating the

female-child in Sub-Saharan Africa: The case of Ghana. Retrieved from

http://www.eric.ed.gov/ERICWebPortal/custom/portlets/recordDetails/detailmini.

jsp?_nfpb=true&_&ERICExtSearch_SearchValue_0=ED460325&ERICExtSearc

h_SearchType_0=no&accno=ED460325

Ozier, O. (2010). The impact of secondary schooling in Kenya: A regression

discontinuity analysis. Retrieved from:

http://www.apec.umn.edu/faculty/pglewwe/Minnconf/papers_by_

presenters_last_name/Ozier_01.05.10_RD_20100105a.pdf

158

Phillips, J.S. & Bhavnagri, N.P. (2002). The Maasai’s education and empowerment:

Challenges of a migrant lifestyle. Childhood Education, 78, 140-146.

Prazak, M. (2007). Introducing alternative rites of passage. Africa Today, 53(4), 19-

40.

Ray, R. & Korteweg, A.C. (1999). Women’s movements in the third world: Identity,

mobilization, and autonomy. Annual Review of Sociology, 25, 47-71.

Rice, B. (1968). Cowboy boots in darkest Africa. Murfreesboro, TN: Sword of the Lord

Publishers.

Riemer, F.J. (2008). Becoming literate, being human: Adult literacy and moral

reconstruction in Botswana. Anthropology & Education Quarterly, 39(4), 444-

464. DOI:10.1111/j.1548-1492.2008.00032.x

Rihani, M. (2006). Keeping the promise: Five benefits of secondary education.

Academy for Educational Development. Washington, DC.

Schneider, L. (2006). The Maasai’s new clothes: A developmentalist modernity and its

exclusions. Africa Today. 53(1), 101-131.

Shabaya, J. & Konadu-Agyemang, K. (2004). Unequal access, unequal participation:

some spatial and socio-economic dimensions of the gender gap in education in

Africa with special reference to Ghana, Zimbabwe and Kenya. Compare, 34(4),

395-424.

159

Shadle, B.L. (2003). Bridewealth and female consent: Marriage disputes in African

courts, Gusiiland, Kenya. The Journal of African History, 44(2), 241-262.

Shingledecker, K. (1982). Unreached peoples of Kenya. Nairobi: Baptist Publications

House.

Sifuna, D. (2006). A review of major obstacles to women’s participation in higher

education in Kenya. Research in Post-Compulsory Education, 11(1). 85-105.

Stromquist, N.P. (2006). Gender, education and the possibility of transformative

knowledge. Compare, 36(2), 145-161.

Swainson, N. (1995). Redressing gender inequalities in education. Retrieved from

http://www.eric.ed.gov/ERICWebPortal/custom/portlets/recordDetails/detailmini.

jsp?_nfpb=true&_&ERICExtSearch_SearchValue_0=ED403408&ERICExtSearc

h_SearchType_0=no&accno=ED403408

The Marriage Bill, 2007 – Kenya Law Report. Retrieved from Kenya Law website:

http://www.kenyalaw.org/Downloads/Bills/Unpublished/200703.pdf

Tobin, T. (2009). Using rights to counter “Gender-Specific” wrongs. Human Rights Review, 10,

521-530.

UNESCO. (2010). Highlights of the EFA Report 2010. Retrieved from UNESCO.org website:

http://www.unesco.org/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/HQ/ED/GMR/pdf/gmr2010/gmr2010-

highlights.pdf

160

United Nations (1948). The universal declaration of human rights. Retrieved from:

http://www.un.org/en/documents/udhr/history.shtml

United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization. (2005). ‘Scaling up’

Good Practices in Girls’ Education. Fontenoy, Paris.

van Manen, M. (1990). Researching lived experience: Human science for an action

sensitive pedagogy. London: State University of New York Press.

Walt Disney Studios. (Producer). (1994). The lion king [VHS]. Available from

http://disneydvd.disney.go.com/the-lion-king-special-edition.html#4447

Wiesel, E. (2006). Night. New York: Hill and Wang.

World Bank. (2004). School fees: A roadblock to Education for All. (Research Report

No. 30193). Retrieved from http://www-

wds.worldbank.org/external/default/WDS ContentServer/

WDSP/IB/2004/10/14/000012009_20041014101818/ Rendered/

PDF/301930PAPER0EdNotes1Userfee13.pdf

World Food Programme. (2010). Retrieved from http://www.wfp.org/countries/kenya

Yamamori, T., Myers, B., Bediako, K., & Reed, L. (Eds). (1996). Serving with the Poor

in Africa. Monrovia, CA: MARC Publications.

161

APPENDIX A: IRB APPROVAL

Dear Kelly,

We are pleased to inform you that your above study has been approved by the Liberty

IRB. This approval is extended to you for one year. If data collection proceeds past one

year, or if you make changes in the methodology as it pertains to human subjects, you

must submit an appropriate update form to the IRB. Attached you'll find the forms for

those cases.

Thank you for your cooperation with the IRB and we wish you well with your research

project. We will be glad to send you a written memo from the Liberty IRB, as needed,

upon request.

Sincerely,

Fernando Garzon, Psy.D.

IRB Chair, Liberty University

Center for Counseling and Family Studies Liberty University

1971 University Boulevard

Lynchburg, VA 24502-2269

(434) 592-4054

Fax: (434) 522-0477

162

APPENDIX B: CONSENT FORM FOR MINORS

CONSENT FORM

Education in a Tribal Culture

Phenomenological Examination of the Impact of Education on Females Living Within the Maasai

Culture

Kelly S. Bingham

Liberty University

Department of Education

You are invited to be in a research study of the effects of education on Maasai girls. You were

selected as a possible participant because you are a Maasai girl living at the MTH Center of

Hope. We ask that you read this form and ask any questions you may have before agreeing to be

in the study.

This study is being conducted by: Kelly S. Bingham, a doctoral student in the department of

Education at Liberty University.

Background Information

The purpose of this study is the following: To see how living at the MTH Center of Hope and

being able to stay in school is helping you in your life.

Procedures:

If you agree to be in this study, we would ask you to do the following things during the months of

April and September of 2010:

• Be willing to be observed using photography, video or audio recording, while at school

and while at the center. You will be given the opportunity to review the tape or pictures

and have the opportunity to withdraw my use of them.

• Share thoughts and experiences of life at school and living conditions at center and your

hopes for the future.

• Possibly be part of a focus group sharing life experiences and discussing with other girls

the educational experiences now available to you.

Risks and Benefits of being in the Study

The risks are no more than the participant would encounter in everyday life.

The benefits to participation are: To document the things that you enjoy about staying in school

and living at the center. To see if other girls would like to have the experiences you are having.

163

Confidentiality:

The records of this study will be kept private. In any sort of report I might publish, I will not

include any information that will make it possible to identify a subject. Research records will be

stored securely and only the researcher will have access to the records.

The data collected will be stored on the hard drive of my computer which is password protected.

Any audio/video data will be stored in a locked filing cabinet in my home. I don’t plan to destroy

the data since I want to continue studying the center over the next several years and want to be

able document progress.

Voluntary Nature of the Study:

Participation in this study is voluntary. Your decision whether or not to participate will not affect

your current or future relations with the Liberty University. If you decide to participate, you are

free to not answer any question or withdraw at any time without affecting those relationships.

Contacts and Questions:

The researcher conducting this study is: Kelly S. Bingham. You may ask any questions you have

now. If you have questions later, you are encouraged to contact her at Liberty University, 434-

592-4272, ks[email protected]

. You may also contact her advisor, Dr. Randall Dunn, 434-

592-3796, rdunn@liberty.edu

If you have any questions or concerns regarding this study and would like to talk to someone

other than the researcher, you are encouraged to contact the Institutional Review Board, Dr.

Fernando Garzon, Chair, 1971 University Blvd, Suite 2400, Lynchburg, VA 24502 or email at

[email protected].

You will be given a copy of this information to keep for your records.

Statement of Consent:

I have read the above information. I have asked questions and have received answers. I consent to

participate in the study.

Signature:____________________________________________ Date: __________________

Signature of parent or guardian:__________________________ Date: __________________

(If minors are involved)

Signature of Investigator:_______________________________ Date: _________________

164

APPENDIX C: CONSENT FORM FOR STAKEHOLDERS

CONSENT FORM

Education in a Tribal Culture

Phenomenological Examination of the Impact of Education on Females Living Within the Maasai

Culture

Kelly S. Bingham

Liberty University

Department of Education

You are invited to be in a research study of the effects of education on Maasai girls. You were

selected as a possible participant because you are a stakeholder in MTH Center of Hope. We ask

that you read this form and ask any questions you may have before agreeing to be in the study.

This study is being conducted by: Kelly S. Bingham, a doctoral student in the department of

Education at Liberty University.

Background Information

The purpose of this study is the following: To observe Maasai girls at their schools and in their

daily activities while at the MTH Center of Hope to determine long-term benefits to them as

compared to what their life would have been like had they stayed in their communities.

Procedures:

If you agree to be in this study, we would ask you to do the following things:

Be willing to be interviewed and possibly photographed using video or audio recording devices

during the month of April and/or September, 2010. You will be given the opportunity to review

the tape or pictures and have the opportunity to withdraw the use of them from the research if you

so choose.

Risks and Benefits of being in the Study

The risks are no more than the participant would encounter in everyday life.

The benefits to participation are the following: To document the experiences of the Maasai girls

in order to determine the benefits of the intervention of the MTH Center of Hope within the realm

of their cultural and educational experiences.

Confidentiality:

165

The records of this study will be kept private. In any sort of report I might publish, I will not

include any information that will make it possible to identify a subject. Research records will be

stored securely and only researchers will have access to the records.

The data collected will be stored on the hard drive of my computer which is password protected.

Any audio/video data will be stored in a locked filing cabinet in my home. I don’t plan to destroy

the data since I want to continue studying the MTH Center of Hope over the next several years

and want to be able document progress

Voluntary Nature of the Study:

Participation in this study is voluntary. Your decision whether or not to participate will not affect

your current or future relations with the Liberty University. If you decide to participate, you are

free to not answer any question or withdraw at any time with out affecting those relationships.

Contacts and Questions:

The researcher conducting this study is Kelly S. Bingham. You may ask any questions you have

now. If you have questions later, you are encouraged to contact her at Liberty University, 434-

592-4272, ks[email protected]

. You may also contact her advisor, Dr. Randall Dunn, 434-

592-3796, rdunn@liberty.edu

If you have any questions or concerns regarding this study and would like to talk to someone

other than the researcher, you are encouraged to contact the Institutional Review Board, Dr.

Fernando Garzon, Chair, 1971 University Blvd, Suite 2400, Lynchburg, VA 24502 or email at

[email protected].

You will be given a copy of this information to keep for your records.

Statement of Consent:

I have read the above information. I have asked questions and have received answers. I consent to

participate in the study.

Signature:____________________________________________ Date: __________________

Signature of Investigator:_______________________________ Date: __________________

166

APPENDIX D: PARTICIPANT QUESTIONNAIRE

Interview Questions for School-aged Girls

Name__________________________________

Age__________

Please read the following questions and circle the letter beside the answer(s)

that best describes you:

1. How long would you like to stay in school?

a. Through primary school

b. Attend some secondary school

c. Graduate from secondary school

d. Attend some college

e. Graduate from college

2. Why do you want more education? (Circle all that apply)

a. To be able to get a good job

b. To have a voice in my community

c. To be able to teach others

d. To provide for my family

e. To become more knowledgeable about many areas of life

3. Who in your immediate family has attended school? (Circle all that apply)

a. Brother(s)

b. Sister(s)

c. Parents

d. Grandparents

e. No one in my immediate family has attended school

167

4. What is the highest number of years someone in your immediate family has

attended school?

a. 1-4 years

b. 5-8 years

c. 9-12 years

d. Some university courses

e. University graduate

5. Five years from now I would like to (circle all that apply):

a. Still be in school

b. Be married

c. Be married with children

d. Be back in my own community

e. Have a job

6. Ten years from now I would like to (circle all that apply):

a. Still be in school

b. Be married

c. Be married with children

d. Be back in my own community

e. Have a job

7. I want my children someday to:

a. Go to primary school

b. Go to secondary school

c. Go to a university

8. How do you think the female teachers at your school feel about girls getting more

education?

a. They feel the same about girls getting an education as they do boys

b. They encourage girls to get as much education as possible

c. They think girls should not get as much education as boys

9. How do you think the male teachers at your school feel about girls getting more

education?

a. They feel the same about girls getting an education as they do boys

b. They encourage girls to get as much education as possible

c. They think girls should not get as much education as boys

10. How do you think boys at your school feel about girls getting more education?

168

a. They feel the same about girls being in school as they do other boys

b. They think girls should get as much education as possible

c. They think girls should not get as much education as boys

169

APPENDIX E: QUESTIONNAIRE FOR STAKEHOLDERS

Interview Questions for Stakeholders

Name___________________________________

What is your connection to the Olooloitikosh Girls Rescue Center (OGRC)?

_______________________________________________________________________

Please read the following questions and circle the letter next to the answer

you feel is most appropriate:

1. The main

reason the girls have come to the OGRC is:

a. Safety and Protection

b. To receive an education

c. To learn a trade

d. To better their lives

e. To avoid an early marriage and/or FGM

2. Because the girls have the opportunity to live at the OGRC how much education

do you think they will now pursue?

a. Finish primary school

b. Attend some secondary school

c. Complete secondary school

d. Attend some university courses

e. Graduate from a university

3. How well do you think the girls would be received back into their communities if

they only stay at the OGRC for a year or less? (Check all that apply)

a. They would be welcomed back with open arms

b. They would be punished or treated poorly

170

c. The community members would be suspicious of them

d. Their father would think they could bring a higher bride-price

e. Their father would think they would bring a lower bride-price

4. How well do you think these girls would be received back into their communities

if they graduate from secondary school?

a. They would be welcomed back with open arms

b. They would be treated indifferently

c. They would be treated poorly

d. They would be treated as more valuable

e. The members of their community would be suspicious of them

5. How well do you think these girls would be received back into their communities

if they\ graduate from a university?

a. They would be welcomed back with open arms

b. They would be treated indifferently

c. They would be treated poorly

d. They would be treated with respect

e. The members of their community would be suspicious of them

6. How do you think Maasai parents feel about sending their girls to school? (circle

all that apply)

a. That it is a waste of time and money

b. That the money is better spent sending a son to school

c. That it is an investment in their economic future as a society

d. That it is an investment in their political future as a society

e. That it will raise the status of the family in their community

7. Who do you think are most in support of Maasai girls receiving an education?

a. Fathers

b. Mothers

c. Teachers/School Administrators

d. Government

e. People outside of the Maasai community

8. The Ministry of Education in Kenya says that the five following concepts are

among some of the aims and objectives for primary education. Which one do you

consider the most important for the Maasai girl?

171

a. Acquire literacy, numeracy, and manipulative skills

b. Grow toward maturity and self-fulfillment as useful and well-adjusted

members of the society

c. Grow into a strong and healthy person

d. Develop an ability for clear logical thought and critical judgment

e. Develop the self in terms of expression and discipline, and be self-reliant,

fully utilizing [her] senses

9. Which subject do you think is most important for the Maasai girl?

a. Business and creative arts: arts and crafts, music, and physical education

b. Home science/domestic science

c. Health science

d. Mathematics

e. Religion: Christian and Islam

10. Who do you think should be responsible for the costs associated with the

education of Maasai girls?

a. Parents

b. National Government

c. Local governing bodies

d. Private donors/benefactors

e. NGOs (Non Government Organizations