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1
Department of Medicine,
Massachusetts General
Hospital, Boston, MA, USA
2
Department of Emergency
Medicine and Leonard D
Schaeer Center for Health
Policy and Economics,
University of Southern
California, Los Angeles, CA, USA
3
Department of Health Care
Policy, Harvard Medical School,
Boston, MA 02115, USA;
Department of Medicine,
Massachusetts General Hospital
and National Bureau of
Economic Research, Cambridge,
MA, USA
Correspondence to: A B Jena
jena@ hcp.med.harvard.edu
Cite this as: BMJ ;:h
doi: 10.1136/bmj.h706
Accepted: 6 January 2014
Divorce among physicians and other healthcare professionals
inthe United States: analysis of census survey data
Dan P Ly,
1
Seth A Seabury,
2
Anupam B Jena
3
ABSTRACT
OBJECTIVES
To estimate the prevalence and incidence of divorce
among US physicians compared with other healthcare
professionals, lawyers, and non-healthcare
professionals, and to analyze factors associated with
divorce among physicians.
DESIGN
Retrospective analysis of nationally representative
surveys conducted by the US census, 2008–13.
SETTING
United States.
PARTICIPANTS
48 881 physicians, 10 086 dentists, 13 883
pharmacists, 159 044 nurses, 18 920 healthcare
executives, 59 284 lawyers, and 6 339 310 other
non-healthcare professionals.
MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES
Logistic models of divorce adjusted for age, sex, race,
annual income, weekly hours worked, number of years
since marriage, calendar year, and state of residence.
Divorce outcomes included whether an individual had
ever been divorced (divorce prevalence) or became
divorced in the past year (divorce incidence).
RESULTS
Aer adjustment for covariates, the probability of
being ever divorced (or divorce prevalence) among
physicians evaluated at the mean value of other
covariates was 24.3% (95% condence interval 23.8%
to 24.8%); dentists, 25.2% (24.1% to 26.3%);
pharmacists, 22.9% (22.0% to 23.8%); nurses, 33.0%
(32.6% to 33.3%); healthcare executives, 30.9%
(30.1% to 31.8%); lawyers, 26.9% (26.4% to 27.4%);
and other non-healthcare professionals, 35.0%
(34.9% to 35.1%). Similarly, physicians were less likely
than those in most other occupations to divorce in the
past year. In multivariable analysis among physicians,
divorce prevalence was greater among women (odds
ratio 1.51, 95% condence interval 1.40 to 1.63). In
analyses stratied by physician sex, greater weekly
work hours were associated with increased divorce
prevalence only for female physicians.
CONCLUSIONS
Divorce among physicians is less common than among
non-healthcare workers and several health
professions. Female physicians have a substantially
higher prevalence of divorce than male physicians,
which may be partly attributable to a dierential eect
of hours worked on divorce.
Introduction
Professional obligations among physicians oen con-
ict with personal and family life.
1–5
While it has histor-
ically been suggested that long and sometimes
unpredictable work hours among physicians may lead
to higher rates of divorce,
6–8
evidence on whether
divorce rates among physicians exceed those in the gen
-
eral population has been limited and mixed.
8–11
One of
the rst studies to analyze this was in the United States.
Published nearly 40 years ago, this study found physi
-
cians to have substantially higher rates of divorce and
poor self r
ated marital quality than other occupations,
but the study was limited in its generalizability owing to
its small, non-representative sample.
11
A subsequent,
larger study of 1118 medical graduates of Johns Hopkins
University found cumulative rates of divorce of 29%—
with rates higher among psychiatrists (50%) and sur
-
geons (33%)—but was limited by its analysis of
ph
ysicians from a single institution.
9
Finally, a nation-
ally representative analysis that used 1970 and 1980 US
census data found similar likelihoods of divorce
between physicians and other professional groups, but
this study was conducted more than two decades ago.
10
Although several studies done internationally have
explored work-home conicts among physicians and
other healthcare professionals,
4 5 12–18
to our knowledge
none have explored whether divorce among physicians
is more common than in the general population.
There are many reasons to question whether previous
estimates of divorce among US physicians are perti
-
nent, given the limited sample sizes of most studies, the
c
hanges in demographics, work hours, and earnings
among US physicians,
19 20
and the fact that overall
divorce rates in the United States have fallen dramati
-
cally since the time of these studies (from 5.2 per 1000
Americans in 1980 t
o 3.6 per 1000 in 2011).
21
In this
study, we revisit the question of whether physicians are
more or less likely than other professionals to become
divorced, by examining more than 40 000 physicians
and 200 000 other healthcare professionals surveyed
open access
WHAT IS ALREADY KNOWN ON THIS TOPIC
It has been speculated that the demanding nature of physicians’ work leads to
divorce rates that exceed those in the general population
Evidence on this both in the United States and internationally has been limited to
small and dated studies and evidence has been mixed
Current, nationally representative estimates of divorce among physicians and other
healthcare professionals in the United States are unknown, as are factors
associated with divorce among US physicians
WHAT THIS STUDY ADDS
Despite concerns about whether the demanding nature of physicians’ work leads to
higher rates of divorce, divorce among physicians is less common than among the
general population and several healthcare professions
Female physicians are substantially more likely to divorce than male physicians,
which may be partly attributable to a dierential eect of hours worked on divorce
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nationally between 2008 and 2013 in the American
community survey, a large, nationally representative,
annual survey of Americans conducted by the US
Census Bureau. With these data we examined how the
probability of divorce among physicians compared with
other healthcare professionals as well as those not
employed in healthcare. We analyzed factors associated
with divorce among physicians, including how the
number of hours worked dierentially inuenced the
probability of divorce for male and female physicians.
Methods
Data sources
We estimated both the prevalence and the incidence
of divorce in various occupational groups using the
American community survey, a nationally representa
-
tive, cross sectional survey of approximately three mil-
lion households annually, administered by the US
Census Bur
eau. The survey is mandatory and is col
-
lected by mail, telephone, and personal visit interviews.
T
he survey, which includes civilian as well as military
households, collects information on respondent demo
-
graphics (age, sex, race, current marital status, and,
sin
ce 2008, limited questions on marital history) as well
as occupation, annual income, and hours worked.
Response rates vary from year to year but range between
93% and 98%.
22
Study population
Each respondent self reported information on age, sex,
race, current marital status, occupation, annual
income, and weekly hours usually worked (based on
hours worked at all jobs). We included individual
respondents aged 25 years or more who were employed
in the previous year and who reported ever being mar
-
ried (6
649 708 people from 2008 to 2013). Physicians
were identied based on a self reported occupation of
“physician or surgeon”. Other healthcare professionals
were identied based on a self reported occupation of
either “dentist”, “pharmacist”, or “nurse”. Healthcare
executives were identied as those with a self reported
management occupation in a healthcare industry and
with a graduate degree. We also identied lawyers—
based on a self reported occupation of “lawyer”—given
their comparability to physicians in terms of graduate
education and income. The survey does not collect data
on physician specialty.
Our sample included 48 881 physicians, 10 086 den
-
tists, 13
883 pharmacists, 159 044 nurses, 18 920 health-
care executives, 59 284 lawyers, and 6 339 610 other
non-healthcare professionals.
Divorce measures
Before 2008 the American census survey only recorded
current marital status (married, separated, divorced,
widowed, or never married). However, since 2008, the
census has asked people several additional questions
related to marriage and divorce, including the year in
which the respondent was married during their most
recent marriage, whether or not he or she divorced in
the past year, and the number of times he or she has
been married. Based on these data, we characterized
divorce outcomes in three ways. Firstly, we identied
whether a respondent was currently divorced at the
time of survey. This divorce measure provides a snap
-
shot of whether the probability of being currently
di
vorced at any given time varies by occupation. Sec
-
ondly, because those who are currently married may
ha
ve been remarried aer a previous divorce, we identi
-
ed whether respondents had ever been divorced,
dened by w
hether they were either currently divorced
or reported being married more than once. This divorce
measure reects the prevalence of divorce—that is, how
likely someone was to have ever been divorced at any
given time. Thirdly, we identied whether a respondent
had divorced in the past year, which reects the annual
incidence of divorce, or what is commonly referred to as
the annual divorce rate. Although in our descriptive
analysis we reported unadjusted dierences across
occupation in each of these three measures of divorce,
in our statistical analysis—which adjusted for factors
associated with divorce—we used the prevalence and
incidence of divorce as the primary outcomes.
Statistical analysis
We began by comparing unadjusted measures of
divorce (the probability of being divorced at the time of
the census survey, the probability of being ever
divorced, and the probability of divorcing in the past
year) among physicians, dentists, pharmacists, nurses,
healthcare executives, lawyers, and others employed
outside of the healthcare industry. Those who reported
being currently separated from a spouse at the time of
survey were not considered to be divorced.
We then estimated multivariable logistic models of
divorce prevalence (whether someone had ever been
divorced) and divorce incidence (whether someone
divorced in the past year). Models were estimated as a
function of age (categorized as 25 to 39 years, 40 to 49
years, 50 to 59 years, and 60 years), sex, race (catego
-
rized as non-Hispanic white, non-Hispanic black,
Hispanic, other), occupation, annual income (catego
-
rized as <$50
000 (£32 800; €44 140), $50 000 to
$99 999, $100 000 to $149 999, $150 000 to $199 999,
and $200 000), the number of years since a respon
-
dent became married in the most recent marriage (con-
tinuous variable, dened by subtracting the year in
w
hich the respondent was married during the most
recent marriage from the census survey year), and state
and year xed eects.
We adjusted for the number of years since a respon
-
dent became married in the most recent marriage for
tw
o reasons. Firstly, in comparing the prevalence of
divorce across occupations, it is important to recognize
that if people in specic occupations tend to marry at
dierent ages, estimated dierences in the prevalence
of divorce across occupation could reect diering ages
at marriage across occupations rather than dierent
underlying divorce risk. For example, if the annual rate
of divorce was identical across occupations but physi
-
cians marry later in life, then at any given time physi-
cians would be less likely to report ever having divorced
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compared with people in other occupations, simply
because they were at risk for less time. Accounting for
the length of time since someone was married is there
-
fore important. Secondly, in comparing the incidence of
di
vorce across occupations, it is important to note that
the annual incidence of divorce (that is, the hazard rate
of divorce) may vary depending on how long someone
has been married. Divorce rates may be highest in the
years aer marriage and may decline with time, imply
-
ing that the annual divorce rate for those in the 20th
y
ear of marriage would be lower than those in the rst
few years of marriage.
23
Put dierently, the divorce haz-
ard may not be constant over time. If professionals in
specic occupations marry at dierent ages, then a sur
-
vey at a given time may misclassify occupations as hav-
ing dierent divorce rates simply because people in
those oc
cupations were sampled at varying lengths of
time aer marriage. It is therefore important to adjust
for the number of years since someone became married
in the most recent marriage.
Aer estimating the logistic models, we reported the
adjusted prevalence and incidence of divorce by occu
-
pation. We computed the adjusted probabilities by tak-
ing the predicted values from the logistic regression
models holdin
g all covariates except for occupation at
their mean values (that is, we held the mean of other
covariates constant across occupations). For categori
-
cal variables such as state and year, we computed the
adj
usted values at the means of the individual indicator
variables (that is, reecting the mean proportion of the
sample in each category, for example, the proportion of
the sample in a given state and year). In this estimation
of adjusted divorce prevalence and incidence by occu
-
pation, we did not separately adjust for weekly hours
w
orked since the dierence in hours worked between
physicians and non-physicians is signicant and may
mediate the eect of being a physician on divorce.
In addition to estimating the adjusted prevalence and
incidence of divorce by occupation we examined the
impact of age, race, sex, annual income, and hours
worked on the prevalence and incidence of divorce
among physicians, adjusting for the number of years
since someone became married. Specically, among
physicians we estimated a multivariable logistic model
of divorce as a function of these covariates and state
and year as xed eects. Given previous evidence that
divorce rates are positively correlated with hours
worked we also included weekly hours worked (catego
-
rized as <39 hours, 40 to 49 hours, 50 to 59 hours, and
60 hours) in these within-occupation models.
24
Finally, we stratied these models by physician sex to
study whether factors such as weekly hours worked had
dierential impacts on the prevalence and incidence of
divorce among male compared with female physicians
and other healthcare professionals. This analysis was
motivated by previous research in the general popula
-
tion of Americans, which showed that the work hours of
w
omen are more highly positively correlated with
annual divorce rates than are the work hours of men.
24
Sampling weights were provided by the survey and
reflected the survey sampling procedures used to
weight all estimates to bring the characteristics of the
sample more in agreement with those of the full US pop
-
ulation. Statistical analyses were performed using
S
TATA version 13.1 (Stata, College Station, TX).
Results
Characteristics of study population
Table 1 lists the characteristics of the study population.
The mean age of physicians was 48.6 SD 12.3) years,
intermediate among other healthcare and non-
healthcare occupations. The percentage of physicians
surveyed who were white was 70.2%, lower than in
other healthcare occupations (for example, dentists,
77.4%; nurses, 77.0%; healthcare executives, 79.1%).
Among healthcare occupations, physicians and den
-
tists had the largest percentage of men (68.3% and
7
5.9%, respectively, compared with 8.5% among nurses
and 47.7% among pharmacists). Annual income was
highest among physicians (mean $223 427, SD $155 417)
with 47.1% of physicians earning more than $200 000
annually. Average hours worked per week were highest
among physicians (50.4 hours compared with 37.6 hours
among dentists, 38.5 hours among pharmacists, 37.1
hours among nurses, 46.0 hours among healthcare
executives, 45.1 hours among lawyers, and 39.8 hours in
other non-healthcare occupations).
Divorce among physicians versus other occupations
Divorce was less common among physicians than other
occupations according to several measures (table 2).
The unadjusted probability of being currently divorced
at the time of survey was lowest among physicians
(7.7%, 95% condence interval 7.5% to 8.0%) compared
with other occupations (dentists, 8.0%; pharmacists,
8.8%; nurses, 17.8%; healthcare executives, 12.7%; law
-
yers, 10.7%; and other non-healthcare occupations,
1
7.2%). Divorce prevalence, dened as the percentage of
people who reported ever being divorced at the time of
survey, was lower among physicians than among most
other occupations as well. Among physicians, 22.1%
(95% condence interval 21.8% to 22.5%) had ever been
divorced by the time of survey, compared with 22.9%
among dentists, 21.5% among pharmacists, 37.0%
among nurses, 31.3% among healthcare executives,
27.7% among lawyers, and 36.6% among other occupa
-
tions. Divorce incidence was generally lower among
ph
ysicians as well. For example, 1.01% (95% condence
interval 0.92% to 1.10%) of physicians divorced in the
year before the survey, an annual divorce rate that was
higher than that for dentists but statistically indistin
-
guishable or lower than for all remaining occupations.
F
inally, physicians were less likely to have been married
more than once by the time of survey compared with all
other occupations except pharmacists.
Occupational dierences in divorce were minimally
aected by adjustment for covariates (table 3). The
adjusted probability of being ever divorced—that is,
divorce prevalence estimated at mean covariate val
-
ues—among physicians was 24.3% (95% condence
int
erval 23.8% to 24.8%), compared with 25.2% among
dentists (P=0.14 for comparison with physicians), 22.9%
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among pharmacists (P=0.008), 33.0% among nurses
(P<0.001), 30.9% among health executives (P<0.001),
26.9% among lawyers (P<0.001), and 35.0% among
other non-healthcare professionals (P<0.001). The
adjusted probability of becoming divorced in the past
year—that is, divorce incidence or divorce rate esti
-
mated at mean covariate values—among physicians
w
as 1.0% (95% condence interval 0.9% to 1.1%), com
-
pared with 1.0% among dentists (P=0
.73 for comparison
with physicians), 1.0% among pharmacists (P=0.62),
1.3% among nurses (P<0.001), 1.1% among healthcare
executives (P=0.26), 1.2% among lawyers (P=0.01), and
1.4% among other non-healthcare professionals
(P<0.001).
Factors associated with divorce among physicians
In adjusted analysis among physicians (table 4), both
divorce prevalence and divorce incidence were more
Table  | Characteristics of marriage and divorce, by occupation. Values are percentages (% condence intervals) unless stated otherwise
Characteristics
Physicians
(n= )
Dentists
(n= )
Pharmacists
(n= )
Nurses
(n= )
Healthcare
executives
(n= )
Lawyers
(n= )
Other
occupations
(n=  )
Divorce:
Divorced at time of survey 7.7 (7.5 to 8.0) 8.0 (7.4 to 8.5) 8.8 (8.3 to 9.2) 17.8 (17.6 to 18.0) 12.7 (12.3 to 13.2) 10.7 (10.5 to 11.0) 17. 2 (17. 2 to 17.2)
P value 0.69 < 0.001 < 0.001 < 0.001 < 0.001 < 0.001
Ever divorced 22.1 (21.8 to 22.5) 22.9 (22.1 to 23.7) 21.5 (20.8 to 22.2) 37.0 (36.8 to 37.3) 31.3 (30.7 to 32.0) 27.7 (27.3 to 28.0) 36.6 (36.5 to 36.7)
P value 0.20 0.22 < 0.001 < 0.001 < 0.001 < 0.001
Divorced in past year 1.01 (0.92 to 1.10) 0.87 (0.69 to 1.05) 1.09 (0.91 to 1.26) 1.64 (1.57 to 1.70) 1.15 (1.00 to 1.30) 1.29 (1.20 to 1.38) 1.74 (1.73 to 1.75)
P value 0.03 0.59 <0.001 0.06 0.002 < 0.001
Marriage:
Married once 83.8 (83.5 to 84.1) 83.1 (82.4 to 83.9) 85.5 (84.9 to 86.0) 75.7 (75.5 to 75.9) 78.3 (77.8 to 78.9) 80.5 (80.1 to 80.8) 75.9 (75.8 to 75.9)
P value 0.09 <0.001 <0.001 <0.001 <0.001 < 0.001
Married twice 13.9 (13.5 to 14.2) 14.1 (13.4 to 14.8) 12.6 (12.0 to 13.1) 19.5 (19.3 to 19.7) 18.2 (17.6 to 18.7) 16.4 (16.1 to 16.7) 19.4 (19.4 to 19.5)
P value 0.70 0.001 <0.001 <0.001 <0.001 <0.001
Married >3 times 2.4 (2.2 to 2.5) 2.8 (2.5 to 3.1) 2.0 (1.7 to 2.2) 4.8 (4.7 to 4.9) 3.5 (3.2 to 3.8) 3.2 (3.0 to 3.3) 4.7 (4.7 to 4.7)
P value 0.002 0.004 <0.001 <0.001 <0.001 <0.001
P values are based on comparison with physicians.
Sample in table is those that were ever married. Divorce prevalence for a given occupation is reflected by percentage of people within an occupation who reported having ever been divorced at
time of survey. Annual divorce incidence for a given occupation, or divorce rate, is reflected by percentage of people within an occupation who divorced in year previous to survey.
Table  | Characteristics of study population, –
Characteristics
Physicians
(n= )
Dentists
(n= )
Pharmacists
(n= )
Nurses
(n= )
Healthcare
executives
(n= )
Lawyers
(n= )
Other
occupations
(n=  )
Age:
Mean (SD) age (years) 48.6 (12.3) 50.5 (12.5) 46.3 (12.8) 46.8 (11.2) 49.1 (10.4) 49.2 (12.4) 47.1 (11.8)
25–39 27. 3 22.8 35.8 29.1 20.3 26.2 29.0
40–49 26.7 23.7 24.7 2 7.4 30.2 25.4 28.5
50–59 25.6 2 7.7 22.5 29.9 32.4 26.1 26.9
>60 20.4 25.8 17.0 13.7 17. 2 22.4 15.6
Race:
White 70.2 7 7. 4 74.6 7 7.0 79.1 8 7.1 70.4
Black 4.5 2.8 5.2 8.8 6.9 4.0 8.9
Hispanic 5.7 5.7 3.4 4.7 4.5 4.3 13.7
Other 19.6 14.1 16.8 9.5 9.5 4.6 7.0
Sex:
Female 31.7 24.1 52.3 91.5 49.9 31.4 47.1
Male 68.3 75.9 4 7.7 8.5 50.1 68.6 52.9
Annual income ($):
Mean (SD) annual income ($) 223 427 (155 417) 189 222 (140 054) 109 975 (61 652) 63 995 (38 163) 143 913 (117 284) 167 015 (139 497) 53 266 (58 104)
<50 000 9.5 10.7 13.1 34.8 10.6 13.3 62.0
50 000 to 99 999 17.0 19.7 23.3 54.3 32.5 25.7 27.4
100 000 to 149 999 13.6 20.7 51.7 8.8 26.9 21.8 6.6
150 000 to 199 999 12.8 12.4 7.7 1.3 11.7 12.2 1.9
>200 000 (%) 47.1 36.6 4.3 0.9 18.3 27.0 2.2
Hours worked a week:
Mean (SD) hours worked a week 50.4 (16.1) 37.6 (10. 7 ) 38.5 (10.9) 37.1 (10.3) 46.0 (10.6) 45.1 (12.8) 39.8 (12.3)
<39 14.6 46.8 28.4 4 4.1 9.0 15.2 25.6
40 to 49 28.2 39.5 59.3 46.7 48.4 40.5 55.6
50 to 59 22.5 9.4 8.4 6.1 28.2 28.2 11.8
>60 34.7 4.3 3.9 3.1 14.4 16.1 7.0
$1.00 (£0.66; €0.88).
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common among those who were older. Female physi-
cians had higher adjusted odds of being ever divorced
or divorced in the past year compared with male physi
-
cians (adjusted odds ratio of being ever divorced 1.51
c
ompared with males, 95% condence interval 1.40 to
1.63; adjusted odds ratio of divorcing in past year 1.46
compared with males, 95% condence interval 1.14 to
1.88). The adjusted odds of a physician being ever
divorced or divorced in the past year were not consis
-
tently associated with annual income. The adjusted
odds of bein
g ever divorced decreased with weekly
hours worked (for example, odds ratio of being ever
divorced among physicians who worked more than 60
hours a week compared with those who worked less
than 39 hours was 0.79, 95% condence interval 0.72 to
0.87). However, no association was noted between
hours worked and the adjusted probability of divorcing
in the past year. Condence intervals around odds
ratios in the model of divorce in the past year were gen
-
erally larger than in the model of being ever divorced,
owin
g to the much lower frequency of events in the for
-
mer group.
Sex dierences in eect of hours worked by
physicians on divorce
The number of hours worked per week was positively
associated with the probability of being ever divorced
only among female physicians (table 5). Female physi
-
cians who worked more than 40 hours a week had a
hi
gher probability of being ever divorced compared
with female physicians who worked less than 40 hours
a week (for example, adjusted odds ratio 1.34 for female
physicians working 40–49 hours a week compared with
<40 hours, 95% confidence interval 1.16 to 1.54;
adjusted odds ratio 1.16 for female physicians working
50 to 59 hours a week compared with <40 hours, 95%
condence interval 0.99 to 1.37). In contrast, male phy
-
sicians who worked more than 40 hours a week had
low
er odds of being ever divorced than male physicians
who worked less than 40 hours a week (adjusted odds
ratio 0.77 for male physicians working 40–49 hours a
week (95% condence interval 0.68 to 0.88) and 0.66
(0.58 to 0.75) for male physicians working 5059 hours
a week, both compared with male physicians working
<40 hours a week).
Discussion
The demanding nature of physicians’ work has led to
several historical investigations in the United States of
whether divorce is more common among physicians
than among other professionals. However, evidence on
this has been dated, limited, and mixed.
8 9–11
Using
large, nationally representative survey data collected by
the US census from 2008 to 2013, we compared both the
prevalence and incidence of divorce among physicians
and other healthcare and non-healthcare professionals.
Our study had several ndings. Firstly, divorce
among US physicians is no more common than in other
healthcare professions and non-healthcare profes
-
sions. In fact, the prevalence and incidence of divorce
amon
g physicians were similar to pharmacists and
Table  | Adjusted prevalence and incidence of divorce among physicians and other healthcare and non-healthcare professionals,  to 
Variables Physicians Dentists Pharmacists Nurses
Healthcare
executives Lawyers Other occupations
Divorce prevalence:
% of respondents ever
divorced, adjusted (95% CI)
24.3 (23.8 to 24.8) 25.2 (24.1 to 26.3) 22.9 (22.0 to 23.8) 33.0 (32.6 to 33.3) 30.9 (30.1 to 31.8) 26.9 (26.4 to 27.4) 35.0 (34.9 to 35.1)
P value 0.14 0.008 <0.001 <0.001 <0.001 <0.001
Divorce incidence:
% of respondents divorced in
past year, adjusted (95% CI)
1.0 (0.9 to 1.1) 1.0 (0.7 to 1.2) 1.0 (0.8 to 1.2) 1.3 (1.2 to 1.4) 1.1 (1.0 to 1.3) 1.2 (1.1 to 1.4) 1.4 (1.4 to 1.4)
P value 0.73 0.62 <0.001 0.26 0.01 <0.001
P values are based on comparison with physicians.
Adjusted prevalence and incidence of divorce across occuptions were estimated from multivariable logistic model of divorce as a function of occupational category, age, sex, race, annual
income, years since became married in most recent marriage, and state and year xed eects. The predicted values were calculated holding all covariates at their mean values.
Table  | Characteristics associated with prevalence and incidence of divorce among
physicians
Characteristics
Adjusted odds ratios (% CI)
Ever divorced Divorced in past year
Age (years):
25–39 1 (reference) 1 (reference)
40–50 5.79 (5.16 to 6.49) 1.87 (1.35 to 2.59)
51–60 28.0 (24.6 to 31.9) 1.84 (1.25 to 2.70)
>60 133 (112 to 158) 1.91 (1.17 to 3.11)
Race:
White 1 (reference) 1 (reference)
Black 1.09 (0.92 to 1.28) 0.61 (0.32 to 1.17)
Hispanic 1.13 (0.99 to 1.30) 1.09 (0.67 to 1.78)
Other 0.43 (0.39 to 0.47) 0.56 (0.40 to 0.78)
Sex:
Male 1 (reference) 1 (reference)
Female 1.51 (1.40 to 1.63) 1.46 (1.14 to 1.88)
Annual income ($):
<50 000 1 (reference) 1 (reference)
50 000 to 99 999 1.00 (0.87 to 1.16) 0.93 (0.59 to 1.48)
100 000 to 149 999 1.07 (0.93 to 1.24) 1.24 (0.79 to 1.96)
150 000 to 199 999 1.06 (0.92 to 1.23) 1.02 (0.63 to 1.63)
>200 000 1.03 (0.90 to 1.17) 0.94 (0.60 to 1.46)
Hours worked a week:
<39 1 (reference) 1 (reference)
40 to 49 1.02 (0.93 to 1.12) 1.41 (0.98 to 2.02)
50 to 59 0.86 (0.78 to 0.95) 1.36 (0.90 to 2.04)
>60 0.79 (0.72 to 0.87) 1.10 (0.76 to 1.61)
$1.00 (£0.66; €0.88).
Table reports adjusted odds ratios from multivariable logistic model of divorce (prevalence or incidence) as
function of age, race, sex, annual income, hours worked a week, years since became married in most recent
marriage, and state and year xed eects. Predicted values were calculated holding all covariates at their mean
values. Divorce prevalence is percentage of individuals who reported having ever been divorced at time of
survey. Annual divorce incidence is the percentage of individuals who divorced in year previous to survey and
can be interpreted as annual divorce rate.
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6 doi: 10.1136/bmj.h706 |
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2015;350:h.706 | the bmj
dentists and substantially lower than that of nurses,
healthcare executives, lawyers, and other non-
healthcare professionals. Despite evidence that profes
-
sional obligations among physicians, including long
and sometimes unpr
edictable work hours, may conict
with personal and family life,
1–3
we found no evidence
that divorce among physicians was more common as a
result. Secondly, female physicians were substantially
more likely to be divorced than male physicians. Hours
worked per week were positively correlated with divorce
only for female physicians and not for male physicians,
suggesting that dierences in divorce rates between
male and female physicians may be partly attributable
to dierential responses of divorce to hours worked.
Meaning of the study and relation to other studies
of US healthcare professionals
Our ndings of a lower prevalence and incidence of
divorce among physicians compared with lawyers and
other professionals not employed in healthcare mirror
ndings from analyses of 1970 and 1980 US census data
reported more than two decades previously.
10
In that
analysis, physicians were compared with lawyers with
similar sociodemographic characteristics, including
advanced education, comparatively high income, and
later age at marriage. That analysis did not, however,
compare divorce between physicians and other health
-
care professionals who may face similar professional
demands
. In that respect we found physicians to be
similarly likely to divorce as dentists and pharmacists
but to have a lower prevalence of divorce than nurses
and healthcare executives.
An important measure that we could not assess is the
subjective evaluation of marital quality, which is distinct
from proneness to divorce, which we assessed.
10 25 26
Sev-
eral survey studies in the United States have evaluated
marital quality among physicians and have examined
factors associated with self reported marital quality,
including hours worked, physician specialty area, prac
-
tice setting, spousal occupation, and presence of chil-
dren.
26–29
For example, in a US survey of 891 spouses of
physicians, satisfaction was strongly independently asso
-
ciated with time spent awake with their physician partner
and number of ni
ghts on call a week but was not associ
-
ated with other professional
characteristics such as total
hours worked a week, specialty area, or practice setting.
29
Our nding that female physicians are substantially
more likely than male physicians to report being
divorced raises important questions as to the origin of
this association. In US surveys, female physicians on
average report making greater professional adjust
-
ments than male physicians to accommodate for house-
hold responsibilities such as child rearing.
30
Greater
trade-os between professional obligations and family
life may contribute to lower quality of relationships and
higher prevalence of divorce among female physi
-
cians.
31 32
For example, in a US survey of 1043 female
and 6815 male surgeons, female surgeons were sub
-
stantially more likely to report having experienced a
c
onict with their spouse or partner’s career (52.6% v
41.2%), more likely to report experiencing a work-home
conict in the three weeks preceding the survey being
administered (62.2% v 48.5%), and more likely to report
symptoms of burnout and depression.
2
Our analysis also found a positive association
between hours worked per week and divorce for female
physicians. In contrast, hours worked per week were
negatively associated with divorce for male physicians.
This nding is consistent with previous evidence from
the general American population that work hours of
women are more highly positively correlated with
divorce than are work hours of men.
24
Our nding that
hours worked a week may have dierent impacts on
divorce for female versus male physicians is consistent
with evidence that female physicians report making
greater trade-os between professional and family obli
-
gations.
30 –32
Although we studied the impact of number
of hours worked on divorce, our analysis did not allow
us to study the association of divorce with the structure
of hours worked—for example, irregular shis or night-
time work—which in a previous study was associated
with self reported marital dissatisfaction among
spouses of physicians.
29
Relation to international studies
We were unable to identify published studies exploring
divorce among physicians and other healthcare profes
-
sionals outside of the United States. However, several
studies c
onducted internationally have explored rates
of physician burnout and factors associated with well
-
being, and specically explored sex dierences in work-
home c
onict.
4 5 12–18
For example, in a survey of 1208
Norwegian physicians, work-home conict was among
the strongest predictors of burnout among female phy
-
sicians but was not statistically signicant among male
ph
ysicians.
4
Similarly, in an analysis of multiple cohorts
of newly qualied physicians in the United Kingdom
between 1974 and 1993, 11.7% of male doctors were mar
-
ried compared with 21.5% of men in the general popula-
tion, whereas only 14.1% of women doctors were
married
compared with 38.9% of women in the general
population.
13
This study, while informative about sex
dierences in marriage formation among UK physi
-
cians, did not analyze rates of divorce. Finally, in a com-
parative analysis of sex dierences in burnout among
ph
ysicians in the United States compared with the
Netherlands, US female physicians experienced more
Table  | Eect of hours worked on physician divorce,
according to physician sex
Hours worked
a week
Adjusted odds ratio of ever divorce (% CI)
Men Women
<39 1 (reference) 1 (reference)
40 to 49 0.77 (0.68 to 0.88) 1.34 (1.16 to 1.54)
50 to 59 0.66 (0.58 to 0.75) 1.16 (0.99 to 1.37)
>60 0.59 (0.52 to 0.67) 1.10 (0.93 to 1.28)
Table reports adjusted odds of physician divorce (prevalence and
incidence) as function of hours worked a week. Results are from
multivariable logistic model, which also adjusted for age, race, annual
income, years since became married in most recent marriage, and state
and year xed eects. Separate models were estimated by physician sex.
Predicted values were calculated holding all covariates at their mean
values in each estimation sample. Divorce outcome is percentage of
individuals who reported having ever been divorced at time of survey.
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7the bmj |
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2015;350:h.706 | doi: 10.1136/bmj.h706
burnout than US male physicians, whereas there was
no sex dierence in burnout among Dutch physicians.
However, consistent with other studies, female physi
-
cians in both the United States and the Netherlands
r
eported more work-home conicts than did men, with
the size of the sex dierence twice as high in the United
States as in the Netherlands.
5
Strengths and weaknesses of this study
This study is the rst in the past three decades to esti-
mate the prevalence and incidence of divorce among US
physicians using large, nationally representative data;
to compare those estimates with other healthcare pro
-
fessionals, lawyers, and other non-healthcare profes-
sionals; and to analyze factors associated with divorce
amon
g physicians.
Our study has several limitations. Firstly, although
the analysis of divorce rates across occupations lends
itself to a hazard analysis (for example, Cox propor
-
tional hazards analysis of differences in divorce haz-
ards across occupations), the census does not follow
people lon
gitudinally as it is a cross sectional survey
of people. Future work should use hazard analysis to
compare divorce rates of physicians with non-physi
-
cians in longitudinal data, which would allow for
d
irect estimation of the differences across occupa
-
tions in adjusted probability of divorce for people
ov
er time.
A second limitation is that divorce is an imperfect
measure of marital satisfaction, the latter which we
were unable to directly assess in our study. A compari
-
son of marital satisfaction between physicians and
other pr
ofessionals may reveal dierences that a com
-
parison of divorce may not. Thirdly, the American com-
munity survey did not contain information on physician
special
ty. Although a failure to account for physician
specialty would not aect our comparison of divorce
between physicians and other professionals, there may
be important dierences in divorce among specialties.
For example, in a previous study of medical school
graduates from Johns Hopkins University, specialties
such as psychiatry and surgery were found to have sub
-
stantially higher rates of divorce than internal medi-
cine, pediatrics, and pathology.
9
Fourthly, our data did
not allow us to estimate the prevalence of divorce
among dual-physician couples. Dual-physician couples
have increased in prevalence, with several estimates
suggesting that nearly half of all physicians are married
to other physicians.
30 33 34
Dual-physician couples may
also be more common among female physicians than
among male physicians.
2 35
Marital satisfaction and
divorce may dier between physicians who are married
to other physicians and those who are not. For example,
in a study of 7095 surgeons, surgeons in dual-physician
couples reported greater diculty balancing profes
-
sional and personal obligations compared with sur-
geons whose spouse was not a physician.
33
In contrast,
in a study of 1208 physicians, those in dual-physician
couples reported an equivalent likelihood to non-
physician couples of achieving both career and family
goals.
30
Both groups also reported equivalent levels of
conict between professional obligations and family
roles. Although our data allowed us to identify spousal
occupation, we could not analyze the prevalence of
divorce among dual-physician couples because
divorced people in the survey had no occupational data
recorded for the previous spouse. Finally, our data were
specic to the United States and may not generalize to
divorce among healthcare professionals internation
-
ally, although some evidence exists that rates of burn-
out, which likely correlate with rates of divorce, may be
similar between healthcare professionals in the United
States and United Kingdom.
15 36
Conclusion
Despite oen reported conicts between professional
obligations and family life, we found no evidence that
physicians in the United States have a higher preva
-
lence or incidence of divorce than other healthcare and
non-
healthcare professionals. Female physicians and
other female healthcare professionals are substantially
more likely to be divorced than their male counterparts,
an area that requires further investigation.
Contributors: DPL, SAD, and ABJ contributed to the design and
conduct of the study, data collection and management, interpretation
of the data; and preparation, review, or approval of the manuscript.
ABJ is guarantor. The study sponsors were not involved in the study
design, data interpretation, writing, or decision to submit the article
for publication.
Funding: This study was supported by the Oce of the Director,
National Institutes of Health.
Competing interests: All authors have completed the ICMJE uniform
disclosure form at www.icmje.org/coi_disclosure.pdf (available on
request from the corresponding author) and declare: ABJ had support
from the Oce of the Director, National Institutes of Health (NIH early
independence award, grant 1DP5OD017897–01) for the submitted
work; no nancial relationships with any organisations that might have
an interest in the submitted work in the previous three years; and no
other relationships or activities that could appear to have influenced
the submitted work.
Data sharing: No additional data available.
Ethical approval: Not required.
Transparency: The lead author (ABJ) arms that the manuscript is an
honest, accurate, and transparent account of the study being reported;
that no important aspects of the study have been omitted; and that
any discrepancies from the study as planned (and, if relevant,
registered) have been explained.
This is an Open Access article distributed in accordance with the
Creative Commons Attribution Non Commercial (CC BY-NC 4.0) license,
which permits others to distribute, remix, adapt, build upon this work
non-commercially, and license their derivative works on dierent terms,
provided the original work is properly cited and the use is non-
commercial. See: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/.
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